Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
By Sujaja
Ethiopia, with over 120 million people, remains the largest landlocked nation on Earth. Despite being one of Africa’s fastest-growing economies, it has been denied direct access to the sea for over three decades, a situation that constrains its economic sovereignty, increases costs, and threatens long-term stability. The call for access to the Red Sea, especially through the historic Assab Port, is neither a call for aggression nor expansion but a demand for justice, economic fairness, and regional balance.
One key fact often ignored in global discussions is that there was no officially declared or nationally ratified government agreement granting Eritrea independence. The separation was executed unilaterally under the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi without formal approval by the Ethiopian Parliament, the Council of Ministers, or a national referendum. No binding treaty ratified by Ethiopia’s legislative body or endorsed by the people ever legally transferred the Red Sea coast or the Assab region away from Ethiopia. This means the loss of Ethiopia’s coastline was a political decision, not a national mandate, and thus remains a matter of legitimate national concern that future generations have every right to revisit through peaceful and lawful means.
Before 1993, Assab was Ethiopia’s main maritime gateway, developed with Ethiopian investment, infrastructure, and labor. According to Article 125 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, landlocked states have the right of access and transit through neighboring coastal states. Ethiopia’s request for access to Assab is therefore not a favor but a legal and historical entitlement rooted in decades of shared development and mutual dependence.
More than 95 percent of Ethiopia’s trade passes through Djibouti, costing over 1.5 billion dollars per year in port fees and logistics expenses. This dependency leaves Ethiopia vulnerable to any single point of political or infrastructural failure. By regaining or leasing access to Assab, transport costs could drop by up to 40 percent. Agricultural and industrial exports would expand, new logistics hubs could rise in Afar and eastern Ethiopia, and energy pipelines, railways, and free-trade zones could transform the Horn into a connected growth corridor.
Ethiopia contributes the largest number of peacekeepers in Africa but lacks a maritime presence to safeguard its own trade and security interests. Meanwhile, multiple foreign powers maintain bases along the Red Sea coast. A peaceful, negotiated access to the sea through Assab would restore strategic balance, allowing Ethiopia to protect its national interests while promoting collective maritime security against piracy, arms trafficking, and illegal fishing.
Reopening Assab under a joint development framework would benefit both nations. Eritrea could earn substantial revenue from port services and infrastructure partnerships, while Ethiopia gains economic efficiency and stability. Shared projects in energy, logistics, and trade could foster the economic interdependence necessary for lasting peace between the two neighbors.
The world has every reason to support Ethiopia’s access to the Red Sea. Ethiopia is the anchor of East Africa’s economy. Maritime access would amplify trade, manufacturing, and energy distribution, making Ethiopia a continental growth engine. A balanced Ethiopia ensures a stable Horn of Africa, reducing migration pressures, arms flow, and regional conflict. Global powers that rely on the Red Sea for shipping, including the European Union, the United States, China, and Gulf nations, benefit from a stable, cooperative Ethiopia with reliable sea access. Backing Ethiopia’s sea access is not charity, it is sound investment. A revived Assab corridor could become Africa’s next logistics and industrial hub, linking African supply chains to the Gulf and Asia.
Ethiopia’s approach should remain peaceful and lawful. A long-term lease or shared economic zone around Assab, supervised by regional bodies like the African Union or IGAD, could balance national interests while avoiding conflict. Gulf partners who already invested in Assab’s port infrastructure can facilitate neutral negotiations and ensure transparency.
Ethiopia’s demand for Red Sea access is not about borders, it is about economic justice, historical truth, and regional security. The Red Sea is part of Ethiopia’s natural heritage, and denying access to a nation of over 120 million people defies both logic and fairness. The international community should bank on Ethiopia, a nation that has proven its stability, resilience, and peacekeeping leadership. A fair solution on Assab would not only restore Ethiopia’s rightful place on the sea but would also bring prosperity, cooperation, and long-term peace to the entire Horn of Africa.
Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
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I agree a million times.
Asèb: The Misinformation-Disinformation Spree to Suit EPLF’s ‘Eritrea’ Narrative & Short-Change Ethiopia
1). Colonialism | Ethiopia | Bahirè-Nègash [BN] | Eritrea: Italy invaded Ethiopia’s BN [1st Italo-Ethiopian War (1895-1896)], renamed it Eritrea, and occupied it till WW-II.
Ref.: Menelik-II’s Battle of Adowa Victory [March 1, 1896] and Italy’s 2nd attempt to conquer Ethiopia using Eritrean Slave Soldiers during WW-II: youtu.be/Yk-_YFJwDH4
2). WW-II [1939-1945] | Allied/Axis Powers: WW-II ended! The Axis surrendered to the Allied & Axis-occupied land was returned to the owners. The Italians in Eritrea surrendered to the British, but the British did not return Eritrea to Ethiopia.
3). Ethiopia Never Colonized Eritrea: The British ‘administered’ Eritrea [1941-1952] and orchestrated the UN’s Ethio-Eritrea ‘Federation’ [Sept. 15, 1952]. Haile-Selassie [HS] dissolved it and reunited Eritrea with its owner Ethiopia [Nov. 14, 1962].
4). BN | Affar Red Sea Coast [ARSC] | Asèb: ARSC [between Massawa & Djibouti] is the Ethiopian Affars’ homeland & has never been part of Eritrea. Asèb is just one port on the ARSC. [Ref.: ሡልጣን ሐንፍሬ አሊሚራህ → youtu.be/I3FF2cqOFl4?t=14 ]
5). ARSC | HS Era [1930-1974] | Derg Era [1974-1991]: Under HS, ARSC was part of Wollo Province [although administered by Sultan Ali Mirah]. Under Derg, it was “The Affar Autonomous Self-Administrative Region.” It has never been Eritrean!
6). 1991: Egypt’s Proxy Secessionists [TPLF & EPLF] invaded-and-occupied Ethiopia!
7). Ethiopia didn’t Ratify Eritrea’s Secession [1993]: Ethiopia wasn’t even present! So, there wasn’t the required “Mother Country Consent”! It was ratified by Meles [TPLF], Isayas [EPLF], Boutros-Gally [UN Secretary General (Egyptian)], etc.
8). Eritrea’s ARSC Annexation | Land-Locking Ethiopia [1993]: Eritrea seceded without Ethiopia’s consent, annexed ARCS, and land-locked Ethiopia. Ethiopia’s peaceful Red Sea Access quest was denied by Eritrea: youtu.be/esedLTkujB0?t=338