Why Ethiopia Needs A Benevolent Dictator Now More Than  Ever 

Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com  

Abu Selam  

A few years ago, I had a heated debate with some of my  peers about Ethiopia’s future. I argued then, and still believe  now, that the country needs a benevolent dictator to guide it  through this perilous phase. At the time, I genuinely hoped  Dr. Abiy Ahmed would become such a leader. While I have  mixed feelings about the outcome of his rule so far, in  principle, I still believe he should be that kind of leader; firm,  visionary, and selfless, with the courage to centralize  authority and use it decisively for the public good.  

The term “benevolent dictator” may sound contradictory or  even dangerous. But history tells us that in moments of deep  national crisis, when countries face existential threats, only  a strong and enlightened hand can steady the ship. A  benevolent dictator is not a tyrant. He is a ruler who wields  centralized or even unchecked power, but not for personal  enrichment or oppression, rather to modernize the nation,  create order, and protect its future.  

Why would I wish my leader to be a dictator, even a  benevolent one?  

Because Ethiopia today faces the kind of deep  fragmentation,institutional fragility, and existential  uncertainty that no weak coalition government or chaotic  democracy can address quickly enough. We are dealing with  deep-rooted ethnic divisions, armed insurrections,  economic pressure, foreign meddling, and a dangerously  eroded sense of national identity. In such a context, centralized, visionary, and disciplined leadership is not a  luxury, it is a necessity.  

History oƯers many parallels where benevolent strongmen  rescued nations from collapse or decay.  

Take Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore. In 1965, Singapore was  expelled from Malaysia, poor, unstable, and ethnically  divided. Lee imposed discipline, restricted political  opposition, and took hardline measures. Yet under his iron  grip, Singapore built one of the world’s most eƯicient  economies, world-class housing, education, and healthcare  systems. Today it stands as a model of development. Would  that have been possible through fragile coalition  governments arguing endlessly? Unlikely.  

Or consider Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Turkey. After the  Ottoman Empire collapsed and the Allies occupied Anatolia,  Turkey faced dismemberment. Atatürk abolished the  Sultanate, modernized language, law, and society; imposing  secularism and unity through sweeping, top-down reform. 

He tolerated little dissent, but he built a modern republic  where there had been imperial wreckage.  

Closer to home, Paul Kagame of Rwanda is another  example. After the 1994 genocide, Rwanda was shattered— ethnically divided, economically devastated, and  abandoned by the world. Kagame took control with an iron  fist. He suppressed ethnic politics, rebuilt the economy,  invested in health and technology, and redefined national  identity. Rwanda today is one of the most stable and growing  economies in Africa, though it remains tightly controlled  politically.  

Even in Indonesia, Suharto, despite his many flaws,  transformed a post-colonial, conflict-ridden country into a  relatively stable, literate, and economically developing  nation. Through centralized power, he delivered  infrastructure, food security, and stability for decades.  

Or Deng Xiaoping in China. After the disasters of Mao’s  Cultural Revolution, Deng opened China’s economy,  controlled political dissent, and lifted hundreds of millions  out of poverty. He didn’t bring democracy—but he brought  material transformation.  

In all these cases, benevolent authoritarianism succeeded  where democratic idealism would likely have failed, because the time called not for deliberation, but for decisive action,  unity, and long-term national vision.  

That is the crossroads Ethiopia stands at today. Dr. Abiy  Ahmed, despite his flaws and missteps, represents the last  hope for such a national project, a unifying vision that  transcends ethnic fragmentation, that rebuilds the economy  with clarity and focus, and that restores Ethiopia’s place as a  stable and respected African power. But to do so, he cannot  govern like a Western parliamentarian pandering to factions.  He must lead like a builder of nations, even if that means  wielding extraordinary authority; so long as it is exercised for  the common good.  

Yes, it is a dangerous road. Power corrupts. Many who start  with noble intent lose their way. But if Abiy Ahmed chooses  to be a truly benevolent strongman, with the discipline of  Kagame, the vision of Lee Kuan Yew, and the reformist  urgency of Atatürk; he could save Ethiopia from  disintegration.  

And frankly, the alternative; a fragmented, weak, ethnically  balkanized state limping along with rotating elites, is far  worse.  

So yes, I still hope Abiy Ahmed becomes that kind of leader.  Not a tyrant. Not a corrupt warlord. But a benevolent dictator  with the heart of a reformer and the mind of a nation-builder. 

Ethiopia may not just tolerate such a leader now—it may  require one to survive. 

Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com      

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