Sirak Zena
Dear Professor Messay,
I extend my sincere gratitude for your insightful and courageous contribution; it provides clarity and hope at a time when Ethiopia and its political elites urgently need both.
Your article represents one of the most thought-provoking analyses of the structural roots of Ethiopia’s political crisis. It compellingly argues that all modern regimes, despite their ideological differences, have functioned within a culture of political absolutism—characterized by a concentration of power that is neither shared nor legitimized through consensus but instead seized and maintained through coercion. This observation elucidates why each regime change in Ethiopia feels less like progress and more like a reiteration of the past.
Additionally, your analysis identifies a critical turning point: the decline of the Church’s role in conferring legitimacy has left Ethiopia struggling to cultivate a modern substitute. In the resulting vacuum, there has been a perilous drift toward unregulated dominance, frequently rationalized in the name of modernization or identity politics. Consequently, a persistent cycle of conflict and instability endures, wherein the victor wields power devoid of legitimacy while the vanquished are left with grievances and a propensity for rebellion.
Another critical insight woven or embedded into the article is the persistent trend of political personalization across all Ethiopian governments. Rather than empowering collective institutions, successive regimes have shifted power and influence toward individual leaders, making political processes revolve around personal authority and preferences. This personalization of governance has allowed leaders to consolidate power, marginalize rivals, and surround themselves with loyalists—thus shaping decisions to serve narrow interests rather than broader democratic principles. Over time, this pattern has deepened polarization, weakened institutional checks and balances, and reduced governance to personal rule rather than collective deliberation and accountable, inclusive procedures. In Ethiopian political history, power has consistently been concentrated in unaccountable hands.
What distinguishes your article is its clarity in diagnosis and the potential it suggests for a way forward. Ethiopia need not remain ensnared in this cycle. A viable path exists—through national dialogue anchored in cross-ethnic coalitions rooted in shared interests rather than solely in ethnic identity, through the establishment of inclusive power-sharing institutions, and through a cultural shift that values consent, legitimacy, and peaceful transitions over coercion and conquest.
Professor Messay indebted us with this brilliant article and gave us homework—digging deep to extract the solutions he carefully embedded between the lines, as only a seasoned philosopher would in an open-book exam.
Aspiring for a good grade, I took up the assignment with no time bound to trace the hidden paths he laid out, the quiet solutions sown like seeds across his powerful reflection.
Prof. Messay not only diagnoses Ethiopia’s political culture but also implies a robust trajectory forward, encompassing the following transformative ideas:
A few of the Implied or Inferred Solutions Highlighted in the article:
• Establish democratic consent as the foundation of legitimacy: Since divine endorsement is no longer a source of political legitimacy in Ethiopia, it is critical to root state authority in modern democratic principles—through rule of law, free and fair elections, accountable governance, and broad-based popular participation.
• Break the link between modernization and absolutism: Disavow the notion that centralization and autocratic rule are prerequisites for progress; instead, advocate for inclusive and decentralized governance.
• Promote power-sharing and regulated competition: Establish democratic institutions that distribute power equitably, manage political rivalry peacefully, and ensure checks and balances.
• Foster civic education and cultural transformation: Encourage a paradigm shift in the national mindset—from perceiving power as domination to recognizing it as a shared responsibility rooted in service and consent.
• Reimagine Ethiopian identity as civic and inclusive: Develop a unifying national identity that transcends ethnic divisions and acknowledges the contributions of all ethnic and cultural groups.
• Institutionalize post-conflict legitimacy and reconciliation: Create mechanisms (e.g., truth commissions, independent courts, electoral bodies) that facilitate peaceful transitions and avert cycles of retribution.
This article is essential reading and deserves serious attention from scholars, political leaders, and the general public alike. To envision a new future for Ethiopia, we must reassess our understanding and application of power. Your contribution is both significant and timely, enriching the national discourse on this critical issue.
In Pursuit of a Better Ethiopia
We must dare confront the hard truths about our political culture while still believing in our collective ability to change. Articles like this one are not just academic reflections; they are calls to action—for scholars, political elites, citizens, etc.—to imagine and build a new political tradition where legitimacy is earned through service, where power is shared rather than seized, and where institutions protect the hopes of all, not just the ambitions of a few. May we rise to the challenge with wisdom, patience, and unwavering commitment to a more just and democratic Ethiopia.
Best regards,
Sirak
Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
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Dear Sirak
It is exhilarating for me to find an Ethiopian scholar who has this close and insightful understanding of my article. It is indeed a rare phenomenon, not only regarding my article, but also regarding any other article written by an Ethiopian: the chance that an Ethiopian would read and appreciate an article written by another Ethiopian is certainly close to zero. Your article has exemplary value: it triggers the hope that it sets a precedent.
Actually, your reflections on my article go further than mere understanding. In many ways, they develop some of my ideas in the sense that they make explicit what was implicit in my article. I could not hope for a better outcome than this fruitful meeting of minds.
The fate of Ethiopian scholarship depends on our ability and willingness to discuss and exchange ideas among Ethiopians, more than the interactions we have with the Ferenji. Unfortunately, our legendary outward-looking set of mind, which derives from our early exposure to Western educational systems, is holding back our attempts to establish an indigenous scholarship. As a product of discussions among Ethiopians, an indigenous scholarship would provide a range of ideas that would reflect a national consensus. Our hope of instituting democracy hinges on these shared ideas.
Messay Kebede
Dear Sirak,
Your reflection on Professor Messay’s profound and timely article is truly remarkable. You offer a deeply insightful and compelling analysis that covers various ideas and calls to action. Additionally, your reflections are easy to understand and well-articulated.
It is genuinely refreshing to find such a well-crafted and thoughtfully reasoned reflection.
Best regards,
Yared B.