In 2011 Addis Ababa and Oromia Special Zone (under Oromia regional state a government body responsible to undertake public and development affairs of areas surrounding Addis Ababa) established a joint project office to work on common urban and development issues both in Addis Ababa and Oromia Special Zone. The Project Office is led by a board of directors where some contentious personalities from ethnic Oromos Mr. Kuma Demeksa (by then mayor of Addis Ababa), Mr. Abdulaziz Mohamed (deputy president of Oromia Regional State) and Mr. Umer Hussein (head of the Oromia Special Zones) are members. Over years it has been undertaking centralized stakeholders and expert consultation and then urged the need to formulate an integrated development plan.
Stakeholders from government of Ethiopia and international organization meeting held from June 26 – 29, 2013 at Adama town indicated Ethiopia’s interest to centralize geographic structure plan, and integrate economic and social activities of Addis Ababa and its surrounding (Oromia Special Zone) subtly bypassing its own constitution of 1995. After it is recommended by eight officials of Ethiopia’s regional states and experts from African Union and UN, the draft integrated plan to be effected should finally be approved by the project board and Addis Ababa City cabinet.
Within this context the government of Ethiopia determined to push its mooted plan it claimed to uplift the socioeconomic conditions of residents’ of Addis Ababa and Oromia Special Zone as part befitting to the country’s overall development plan. The plan was given a grandiose name ‘Addis Ababa and the Surrounding Oromia Special Zone Integrated Development Plan’. Like most plans which sound very good on paper, even the Master Plan (for short) sets out to among other things ‘to ensure placement and exercise of proper industrial waste output management system, to acquire designated industrial zone, and to decongest and cross-match public service to the ever rising city population’ are so vibrant.
Eventually, on 13th April 2014 relevant officials from Oromia Special Zone and Addis Ababa City Administration met for an open discussion on the proposed Master Plan at Adama town, Ethiopia. The Master Plan discussion brought two clear lines of arguments to loggerheads; on one side those who advance their argument based on Ethiopia’s Constitution of 1995. For this group constitutionality and development ethics is at the center of their concern. They ask whether The Master Plan observes development ethics. That is whether moral guidelines were given chance to influence decisions in exercising power in the planning process of the Master Plan. Whether the power (the government in this case) suffocates ethical discussions regarding the Master Plan, ethical means of achieving the Master Plan, and balancing ethical dilemmas arising from the Master Plan? However, with little attention to these concerns there is pressure from federal government to see the plan effected as planned.
The Master Plan if implemented would incorporate Sululta, Bishoftu, Sabata Dukem, Holeta and Ambo bringing 1.1 million ha of land under Addis Ababa City Administration endangering livelihoods of tens and thousands of ethnic Oromo farmers and thus they argued the plan as ‘illegitimate’ and ‘unconstitutional’. Further the group explained an expansion of Addis Ababa (where Amhara culture is dominant) feared to ‘De-Oromization – erode being Oromo’ inhibited areas and the population potentially compromising existing social setup. Hence, proponents of this view charge the Master Plan as instrumental to diminishing ‘Oromo Identity’. This group; therefore, demand the Master Plan to uphold the constitutional framework and such conventional principles; free, prior and informed consent, genuine consultation and adequate compensation to /with surrounding ethnic Oromos whose agricultural land is to be consumed by the Master Plan.
Therefore, the group charge the Master Plan as undermining Ethiopia’s Constitution of 1995 article 49 (5) which clearly demarcate Oromia from Addis Ababa but unclearly pronounce ‘special interest’ of Oromia Regional State, the largest ethnic state in Ethiopia, from Addis Ababa City Administration which was not yet defined through other supplementary legal provisions, though the constitution instructs so, in breach of article 46 (2) which pronounces states’ restriction to settlement pattern, language, identity and consent, and article 43 (2) (3) (4) which stipulate the people of Ethiopia to be at the center of its own development process until otherwise.
Unlike the other argument this one is voted-in by senior and high ranking officials from Oromia regional state and federal government, and corporate class. Proponents of this argument do not want to capitalize on the constitutional provisions as it is ambiguous and sensitive. Instead they draw their argument mainly on urgency of integration for effective development governance and planning while carefully sharing ethical dimensions raised opponent arguers (who are too loyal to Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution). They push the Master Plan to be effected partly as leverage to bypass the country’s earlier structural failures on geography of Addis Ababa City Administration and as partakers wheel a rising lucrative land-related investment/business in Ethiopia.
Though it invisibly pushes on the plan, the federal government of Ethiopia did not publically hold an immediate and clear position regarding the argument on the Master Plan. It continued its focuses on winning the public and characterizing the ‘constitutionalist’ arguments (the protest) against The Master Plan as anti-development.
For secessionist ethnic Oromos Addis Ababa is a foreign boat on their ocean –‘under siege’ which was encouraged by Ethiopia’s 1995 constitution. (Please continue on page 3)