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The Trio: In the Footsteps of Fitawrari Meshesha, Mengistu Hailemariam, Meles Zenawi and Abiy Ahmed

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Fitawrari Meshesha _ Ethiopian Politics

By Mekuria 

This article explores the legacies of three prominent Ethiopian leaders and one fictional character: Fitawrari Meshesha, Mengistu Hailemariam, Meles Zenawi and Abiy Ahmed. Let’s delve into their stories and relate them to present-day emerging Fano political and military adventurers.

Fitawrari Meshesha is a fictional character in the novel “ፍቅር እስከ መቃብር” created by Haddis Alemayehu during the time of His Majesty. Fitawrari Meshesha  challenges his opponent to a fight because he seeks to marry his daughter, Seblewongel. He believes that the man who requested his daughter’s hand in marriage acquired his title through the influence of money earned from selling pepper, cotton, and onions. Mengistu Hailemariam ruled Ethiopia from 1974-1991 with an iron fist. He killed 500,000 Amharas in the name of safeguarding the socialist revolution. Meles  Zenawi ruled Ethiopia from 1991 to 2005 with an iron fist like Mengistu, with thousands of deaths. Meles is known for being an ideologist of Mesmer Haylina, and Ethnic nationalism. Anyone on his way and his ideology was a target.  Similarly, Abiy Ahmed has been ruling Ethiopia with an iron fist since April 2018, in the likes of Mengistu and Meles Zenawi, with a mindset similar to Fitawrari Meshesha. His time is marred with widespread ethnic kidnappings, displacement, mass killings and a fast dwindling economy. 

Although they are not in power yet, the trio (Zemene Kasse, Shaleqa Zinabu, and Asres Mare) appear to be interested in following the paths of Fitawrari Meshesha, Mengistu Hailemariam, Meles Zenawi, and Abiy Ahmed. Their recent rhetoric and messaging to their audience are crystal clear (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FU9uNLXrJro).

Zemene Kasse, much like Fitawrari Meshesha, believes he can act with impunity. Zemene perceives the conflict between himself and Eskinder not as a personal feud but as a struggle between a police officer and a thief trying to steal Amhara properties. He sees himself as the sole defender of the Amhara people, with the authority to capture, imprison, and possibly even kill Eskinder. He considers himself more equal than others, reminiscent of George Orwell’s “1984.” Zemene dreams of becoming a king, and Eskinder stands in his way, needing to be eliminated rather than simply voted out by Fanos. For Zemene, elections hold no relevance. He has established a list of criteria to disqualify Eskinder from running for office. Abebe Fantaw from Woldiya was heard complaining about the 14 criteria, arguing that Eskinder is ineligible according to these criteria. These narrow-minded individuals believe that “Meneshachin Amara Medreshachin Amara” means only crowning village residents and excluding Amharas from Addis Ababa as it is outside of the Amhara region. Abebe Fentaw boasted that he has a serious grievance against Eskinder. I ask him, why does he support Zemene and vehemently criticize Eskinder, who has never been to North Wollo for power competition? If Abebe Fentaw is so bold, why doesn’t he go to Alamata and fight with TPLF to liberate his region instead of picking a fight with Eskinder Nega.

Some clueless individuals argue that Eskinder isolated Zemene, while others claim that Eskinder isolated Gojam. There was one vacancy for a political leader for Fano, and the only way to fill that position was through a vote by stakeholders. Eskinder and Zemene both went through a voting process, with Zemene receiving 4 supporters and Eskinder receiving 5, making the winner clear. If Zemene were to be elected, would we say Eskinder is isolated or that Shewa, his representation province, is isolated? Similarly, there were no Fano leaders from Wello and Gonder, but does that mean these provinces are isolated? In this voting process, the deciding block was the Gonder Fano, and it is not surprising that they favored Eskinder, as he is a safe candidate for them. Eskinder is the only Fano traveling across the four provinces and coordinating the Fano operation. Additionally, Zemene’s Fano leadership in Gojam is perceived as less interested in ancestral lands like Raya and Wolqayit, especially the latter. When Fano Marshet gave an interview to Ghion TV, he mentioned that his group would not retaliate if the TPLF made an incursion into Amhara territory. It is not that Marshet said this, but Zemene failed to censor that by other interview or press release. Ironically, General Tadesse Werede, a TPLF general, once said, “What does Welqayit have to do with the Gojam people?”

Zemene criticized those who voted for Eskinder by raising the story of a village woman in Ethiopia who was involved in a love affair with an Italian man named Marco during the Italian occupation. A neighbor and friend of Marco’s lover warned her that once Italy was defeated, Marco would likely leave Ethiopia, and she would lose all the privileges she had enjoyed. Zemene suggested that Eskinder, as an outsider, could potentially leave in the future. Zemene appears to disregard Eskinder’s Amhara identity and his commitment to his known characteristics. Zemene is a narcissistic, power-hungry individual who seeks self-glorification and believes he owns the Fano movement, despite his questionable record.

When discussing Zemene’s background, he is widely recognized as an Ethiopian political advocate. He was briefly a member of the ብአዴን but soon defected and joined the Ginbot 7 movement, eventually leading the army wing based in Eritrea. He served in that capacity for four years, collaborating with Andargachew Tsigie and Dr. Berhanu Nega. Subsequently, he parted ways with the movement and relocated to Europe. Zemene returned to Ethiopia following a change in premiership in 2018. Amanuel, his former comrade in Eritrea who is now a journalist for Andafta in Ethiopia, described Zemene as someone who left Ginbot 7 due to fatigue from armed struggle.

Upon his return to Ethiopia, Zemene shifted his focus towards Amhara-centered activism. Together with Masresha Setie, a seasoned air force captain who had been imprisoned by the TPLF for years, he engaged in awakening the Amhara youth. In June 2019, Zemene was accused of involvement in the killings of Amhara regional government officials linked to General Asamnew. He fled from Bahirdar, and his whereabouts remained unknown for over a year. Legal proceedings against him continued in his absence, and he was eventually cleared of the suspected crime. Upon learning of this, Zemene returned to his residence in Bahirdar and its environs.

A second conflict erupted between the Federal government and the TPLF in August 2021. Zemene and Masresha Sete established the Amhara Peoples Force and mobilized the youth in Amhara to join the conflict. Following the conclusion of the war and negotiations with the TPLF in November 2022, Zemene became a target of both federal and local authorities. An appeal was filed regarding his 2019 criminal charges, prompting Zemene to flee from his Bahirdar residence in May 2022. It is possible that he initiated his armed movement at this time, but he mostly remained on the run, with no known operations attributed to him. In September 2022, he returned to Bahirdar for reconciliation with the ruling party through mediators, but the government reneged on its promise and arrested him. He remained in custody until June 2023.

Shaleqa Zinabu labeled Eskinder as a traitor willing to sell Amhara interests to the ብአዴን Arega Kebede, PP’s new elect (Interview with Ghion TV). He further accused Eskinder of harboring hatred towards Gojam and isolating his group, clearly stoking villageization sentiments to mobilize people from Gojam. He claimed to have been monitoring fringe elements outside of his army who supported Eskinder and has taken action to rectify the situation. He boasted that he is determined to eliminate anyone supporting Eskinder in Gojam. To him, Gojam is a no-enter territory to any Amhara Fano outside his command. If background checks are necessary, Eskinder has never been a traitor nor associated with the PP and the EPRDF in any way throughout his life. It is Shaleqa Zinabu who has a close association with traitors, not strictly as a traitor official but as a servant of traitor officials. His involvement as a commander for Temesgen Tiruneh and Agegnehu Teshager, both Amhara regional state presidents, should be investigated. How much was his role in the persecution and hunting of the Fanos before April 2023? Were there victims under his command during the operation when 18,000 Fanos were imprisoned and hundreds killed? We appreciate all Amhara special forces, police, and militias that deserted the PP and joined the Fano movement, and there is no grudge regardless of their actions. However, if they come forward and challenge innocent individuals like Eskinder for power competition, then it is legitimate to scrutinize their records.

Asres Mare, a lawyer by training, and Tina were freelance rights activists without known political affiliations who opposed the ruling party. Due to their participation in demonstrations in Bahir Dar, they were wanted for arrest. Tina was apprehended, while Asres managed to evade capture and later joined Zemene Kasse’s clandestine operation. With the rise of the Fano revolution in Amhara, Asres became a prominent figure alongside Zemene, leading one faction of the Gojam Fano (Amhara Popular Force). Asres has publicly criticized Masresha Setie and Eskinder, branding them as thieves, bandits, bandas and traitors (Interview with Ghion TV). Recently, after Zemene Kasse lost the chairmanship of the new Fano organization, Asres has shifted his focus to Eskinder’s group, threatening action against Eskinder’s supporters in Gojam to safeguard the revolution (Aired on Roha TV). This behavior is reckless and could escalate tensions, potentially leading to retaliatory measures by Eskinder’s group against Zemene’s supporters in Shewa. Such actions only serve to fuel unnecessary conflict.

The trio lacks a clear political agenda for Amhara and seems solely intent on seizing power by any means necessary. In a press release, Zemene Kasse uncivilized criticized Eskinder. It is clear that if Zemene were to become the prime minister of Ethiopia, his vision for the future would be in the style of Abiy Ahmed’s one-man leadership – replacing Marshal Berhanu Julla with Shaleqa Zinabu, appointing Asres as president of the federal courts, Marshet Tshaye as the speaker of the parliament, and Abeje Belew as the police chief. This vision reflects a fascistic approach to politics.

Eskinder Nega

Eskinder Nega is a former human rights activist who was imprisoned 11 times under Meles Zenawi’s rule. He received international awards for his work on human rights and free speech. Eskinder was arrested during the Arab Spring and spent 7 years in prison, being released in 2018 when Abiy Ahmed came to power. Unlike many, Eskinder demanded the blocking of the current Ethiopian constitution and the establishment of a commission to transition Ethiopia to a model similar to South Africa. Unfortunately, many Ethiopians, including seasoned intellectuals, gave Abiy Ahmed a free ride, believing he would lead the transitional work. When opposition parties like Ezema failed to fulfill their role, Eskinder formed Balderas as a civil organization, which later became a political party. Eskinder was increasingly seen as a threat to Abiy Ahmed’s power and was arrested for a year and a half, from June 2020 to January 2022. Key areas where Eskinder mobilized people against Abiy’s regime in Addis Ababa include issues such as the fight against demographic change in Addis Ababa (fight against social engineering), the demolition of people’s houses, the rights of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church over Meskel Square, the demolition of heritage monuments and buildings, the plight of the Amharas in Oromia, and preventing the genocide of Amharas in Oromia. He had millions of followers in Addis Ababa, and all the issues he raised reflect the values of the Amhara people, though other ethnic groups’ plights are also covered. He defended Addis Ababa from destruction during the riots following the death of Hachalu. Some people criticize Eskinder for choosing Ermias Legesse as his representative in the Diaspora and electing a certain woman in the Balderas party. They failed to acknowledge these persons did at the time and they fail to acknowledge the thousands of other seasoned politicians he brought forward in Balderas and the millions of supporters of his party. በመቶ ኪሎ ስንዴ ውስጥ ሁለት እንክርዳድ ተገኝቷል ስለዚህ ስንዴውን ድፋው አይነት አነጋገር!

Eskinder is the originator of the ideology against Abiy Ahmed’s ethnocentrism that disfranchised Amharas. The Fano movement did not emerge out of the blue. It is the unwavering activism of Eskinder Nega, Ethio 360, Addis Dimits, and a limited number of intellectuals in the Diaspora that defined who Abiy Ahmed is, at a time when a greater number of people in Ethiopia and the Diaspora willingly chose to be deceived. No one can claim that Eskinder is an outsider to the Amhara movement. Eskinder has a high regard for Fanos. After Eskinder was released from prison, the first thing he and Sintayehu did was a visit to Fano, thanking them for protecting their region from Tigrayan invasion.

Eskinder left Addis Ababa in August 2022, one month before Zemene was arrested, and his whereabouts were unknown. He became the talk of the town throughout Ethiopia, particularly in Addis Ababa and the Diaspora, out of fear for his life and safety. It was discovered that he had joined Fano when he appeared in Bure, Gojam, in February 2023. It was evident that Eskinder sensed that the Abiy Ahmed regime was not willing to step down, so he felt he had no other option but to engage in armed struggle. None of the other political leaders based in Addis Ababa saw this as a viable option. The Amhara Police arrested him, and on the way to hand him over to the federal government, Dejen youth blocked the road and demanded his release. He was then imprisoned in Bahir Dar. A growing crowd demanding Eskinder’s release intimidated the Amhara officials, and he was released after a couple of days. The momentum of the youth continued to demand Zemene’s release, and he was set free by the Amhara court in June 2023. The government quickly accused Eskinder of training and organizing the Fanos and sending them to Wellega to fight against the government under the guise of local Amharas defending themselves from attacks. Shortly after, the ENDF surrounded Debre Elias, suspecting it was Eskinder’s location. The conflict continued for days, and Eskinder narrowly escaped assassination and capture. It is evident that Eskinder joined the Fano movement when it was struggling, rather than thriving, and he energized the movement after April 2023 by collaborating with prominent Fano leaders in the four provinces of Amhara. Eskinder focused more on coordinating the Fano movement along with Shaleqa Dawit and his Diaspora Group. This move had its pros and cons. It was instrumental in the widespread Fano movement in Amhara, never seen before. However, it distracted him from building his own army. Even the likes of Shaleqa Zinabu emerged as a Gojam Army Division leaders through Eskinder’s efforts, although Zinabu eventually betrayed him and distanced himself to join Zemene, feeling like a son of his own village. (ያገሬ የወንዜ ልጅ አይነት)

The slogans “Meneshachin Amara medreshachin Ethiopia” and “Meneshachin Amara and medreshachin Amara” may have a semantic difference, but according to Fano sources on the ground, both convey the same message. Accusing Eskinder based on this slogan is absurd. In reality, Eskinder’s slogan is more appealing to the international community, a lesson we have to learn from the TPLF’s recent war rhetoric. What truly matters is the actions taken after seizing power in Addis Ababa. I support ethnic federalism as long as the ancestral lands (Welqayit, Raya, Metekel, and Shewa) of the Amhara are restored. Judging Eskinder solely based on one slogan used to rally Amharas and Ethiopians is not fair. Remember, even the TPLF changed its name to EPRDF when it entered North Wello and North Shewa. TPLF was recognized by the international community at the negotiations in Italy and London after changing its name to EPRDF. Bottom-line, there is no Amhara interest to protect without having control over Ethiopia. This is a key point.

Zemedkun Bekele: The Intruder in Amhara Politics

Zemedkun Bekele, despite not having Amhara heritage, comes from the Oromo community in Harar on both sides of his family. However, he has immersed himself in Amhara politics and aims to become a kingmaker. In Shewa, he has built connections with Asegid Mekonnen while criticizing Eskinder and baselessly accusing him of causing the deaths of numerous Amharas, labeling him as a madman. This behavior understandably upsets Serkalem, Eskinder’s wife. Zemedkun is the creator of the phrase “Meneshiachin Amara Medreshiachin Amara,” which he derived from Eskinder’s slogan by replacing “Ethiopia” with “Amhara.” Zemedkun Bekele, an 8th-grade student, claims to be a clergy member of the Orthodox Church but is known for his online presence where he engages in constant insults and spreading falsehoods without offering any spiritual guidance to Orthodox Christians. His aspiration is to profit by selling cheap propaganda to Asegid Mekonnen and Zemene Kasse.

It is troubling that individuals like Asegid Mekonnen and Zemene are being influenced and manipulated by Zemedkun, a non-Amhara, to sow discord with Amhara figures like Eskinder. This situation is regrettable as it suggests a lack of capable Amhara intellectuals in the Amhara revolution.

Zemedkun has also established an online connection with Amara Akila (Elias), the public face of One Amhara, a group known for its narrow-minded criticism of Amharas advocating for their cause. This group insults individuals such as Eskinder, Meketaw, Meskerem Abera, Dr. Wondosen, Christian Tadele, Yohannes Buayalew, and even Zemene Kasse, unjustly labeling them as traitors willing to betray the Fano revolution to Abiy Ahmed. It is important to note that many of these individuals targeted by One Amhara are either imprisoned for their pro-Amhara stance or actively involved in the struggle. The main objective of the so-called One Amhara Diaspora group is to create discord among the Fano, disqualifying the movement’s goal knowingly or unknowingly.

It is abundantly clear that most of the talking points against Eskinder are sourced from Zemedkun. I believe that Eskinder’s supporters in the European Diaspora should unite, seek legal advice in Germany, and take legal action against Zemedkun Bekele. They should also reach out to Serkalem for her assistance in pursuing these charges.

Conclusions
Fano needed a political leader. There were 9 Fano stakeholders.  Two candidates were selected, Zemene and Eskinder. Majority voted to elect Eskinder. You need to accept democratic principles.  ያለው አንድ ቫካንሲ ነው። አንድ ሰው ተመረጠ። እንዴት ተደርጎ ነው  ዘመነ አልተካተተም፣ ጎጃም አልተካተተም የሚባለው አነጋገር የሚመጣው? በዚህ አባብል ጎንደርም፣ ወሎም አልተካተቱም።ተሰንጥቀው መሰፋት ነበረባቸው?

The press release of Zemene’s bravado against Eskinder should be highly condemned. Fano-friendly media outlets like ESAN, Anchor, Zewdu Show, Dereje News, Ethio 360, Addis Dimits, Hibir Radio, and others failed to do this job. It must be understood that appeasement leads to nowhere. We need to learn from how we treated Abiy Ahmed and how he rose to power.

Gojam Fano should denounce and demote the trio: Zemene Asres, Asres Mare, and Shaleqa Zinabu. What they spoke to the media is unethical. The Amhara people do not deserve to see violence among Fanos. ዶማን ዶማ ማለት ተገቢ ነው።

Zemene Kasse is not the sole owner of the Fano movement. While Zemene may have played a role in the Fano movement, Eskinder also played a significant role. The Fano movement in Amhara is the result of a collective effort involving various dedicated media outlets, prominent Diaspora figures, and intellectuals within the country, including Eskinder Nega. It took a lot of hard work to define Abiy Ahmed and awaken the Amhara. Discrediting Eskinder’s contribution is unfair and unjust. Zemene did not have a strong army to boast of until he combined his forces with the Gojam army division. His army’s contribution was not greater than any Fano fighting group. He gained strength by merging with the Gojam division because Zinabu, who lacked political experience, decided to lead the army wing. ዘመነ ከእስር ተፈትቶ የፋኖ ውጊያው እየተጠናከር

Finally, serious discussion must be undertaken regarding bringing Zemedkun Bekele to legal liability. He has infringed on the rights of Serkalem, Eskinder’s wife, by making many unfounded allegations against her husband. He should not get a free pass.

Editor’s note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com


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