A Response to the Comparison of the Amhara Resistance with TPLF and ONLF Insurgencies
Amsal Woreta
- Introduction
While the notion of “experience sharing” might seem benign, it’s crucial to critically examine its application to the complex realities in Amhara-Wollega. To suggest an equivalence where none exists is to fundamentally misunderstand the core issues at play.
In his article, Abdirezak Sahane Elmi attempts to foster shared understanding and empathy between conflict-affected communities, notably between the Amhara and Oromia regions. While commendable in its intent, his approach fundamentally errs by drawing false equivalences between distinctly different types of conflicts and resistances. Such analytical oversight does not merely weaken the argument but actively contributes to the dangerous narrative that obscures the deep, existential nature of the threat facing the Amhara people. This misrepresentation has profound implications, shaping both domestic policy responses and international perceptions in ways that exacerbate, rather than mitigate, ongoing atrocities.
2 . The Amhara Resistance: An Existential Fight, not a Power Struggle
The resistance movements among the Amhara have arisen explicitly as responses to targeted ethnic atrocities—mass killings, systematic displacement, cultural erasure, and structural marginalization. Unlike typical armed movements, which often pursue power, political control, or territorial gains, the Amhara resistance is fundamentally reactionary, emerging as a desperate act of collective self-defense. This distinction is critical: framing the Amhara as equivalent to other armed groups fails to capture their defensive nature, obscures state complicity in their victimization, and denies the legitimacy of their right to protection and survival under international law.
3. TPLF and ONLF: Organized Movements with Clear Agendas
The TPLF was historically a highly organized, ideologically driven Marxist-Leninist movement with clear ambitions to capture state power, which it achieved in 1991, ruling Ethiopia through a coalition until 2018. Following its loss of power, its armed conflict aimed explicitly at regaining control over federal institutions and political dominance. Conversely, the ONLF represented a separatist ambition, driven by historical and ethnic-nationalist claims for autonomy and secession in Ethiopia’s Somali region. Each movement possessed structured leadership, formal manifestos, international support networks, and ideological coherence—attributes fundamentally lacking in the reactive, grassroots nature of Amhara resistance movements.
4. Betrayal and Disarmament: How Abiy Ahmed Turned on the Amhara Forces
Initially hailed as heroes in Ethiopia’s existential war against the TPLF insurgency, the Amhara Special Forces and informal militias like Fano played decisive roles in protecting communities, retaking lost territories, and ensuring national survival. However, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration subsequently enacted aggressive disarmament campaigns targeting these very forces under the pretext of security reform and integration. These actions disproportionately targeted the Amhara, leaving communities vulnerable to violence and state reprisals, while notably sparing similarly armed groups in other regions, notably Oromia. This betrayal underscores political motivations aimed at weakening independent Amhara capabilities and consolidating central power through selective enforcement and repression.
5. The Moral and Analytical Dangers of False Equivalence
Equating the Amhara resistance with ideologically driven insurgencies like the TPLF and ONLF or OLA introduces morally problematic and analytically unsustainable symmetry. This false equivalence blurs the lines between aggressors and victims, perpetuating a narrative that facilitates ongoing violence by minimizing accountability for ethnic-based atrocities committed against the Amhara. Such moral confusion aids perpetrators by labeling defensive resistance as extremism, thus enabling further cycles of repression and violence.
6. Additional Considerations
- Genocide Indicators: Consistent patterns of mass killings, forced displacement, and cultural destruction targeting Amhara civilians strongly align with internationally recognized genocide early-warning indicators. Recognizing these patterns is vital for triggering international protection obligations and preventing further atrocities.
- Diaspora Disadvantage: Unlike the TPLF and ONLF, which benefitted from highly organized diaspora advocacy, the Amhara community lacks equivalent international lobbying structures. This significantly hampers their ability to mobilize global attention and intervention, exacerbating their vulnerability.
- Systemic Flaws: Ethnic federalism, instituted by the TPLF and maintained under Abiy Ahmed, structurally incentivizes ethnic competition and violence. This system creates minority vulnerabilities, with Amhara communities particularly disadvantaged by institutionalized ethnic exclusion and targeted aggression.
7. Abdirezak Sahane Elmi’s Dismissal of the Amhara Existential Crisis
Elmi’s analysis notably overlooks or trivializes the systematic nature of threats against the Amhara, minimizing the severity of their plight under Ethiopia’s ethnic federalist arrangement. His perspective, possibly influenced by long-standing colonial and Marxist historical narratives that falsely depict Amhara populations as inherently dominant or oppressive, effectively erases the genuine vulnerabilities and pervasive suffering endured by the vast majority of Amhara citizens. This misrepresentation prevents authentic reconciliation by sustaining harmful stereotypes and hindering meaningful empathy and solidarity across ethnic lines.
8. Framing the Crisis Through International Law and Human Rights
The atrocities against the Amhara people resonate strongly with the provisions outlined in the UN Genocide Convention (1948) and related international norms, such as the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). Specifically, systematic targeting based on ethnic identity, encompassing mass killings, forced population transfers, and deliberate cultural destruction, constitute recognized international crimes. Highlighting these legal frameworks elevates the crisis to the level of global moral urgency, obligating international actors to respond effectively and expediently.
Timeline of Amhara Massacres (2018–2025)
- 2018 – Gedeo and Burayu: Amhara civilians displaced and killed following political unrest.
- 2019 – Metekel (Benishangul-Gumuz): Series of ethnic-based killings targeting Amharas.
- 2020 – Ataye and Kemise: Clashes and house burnings; dozens of Amhara civilians massacred.
- 2021 – Wollega (Oromia): Massacres in Kiramu, Gida Ayana, and Horo Guduru areas.
- 2022 – Majete and Chagni: Coordinated attacks by armed groups on Amhara communities.
- 2023 – Debre Markos and Shewa Robit: Government drone strikes and military raids on Fano and civilian areas.
- 2024 – Jawi (Amhara), Dera, and Debre Elias: Ethnic-based killings during disarmament campaigns.
- 2025 – Bahir Dar and Gondar: Reports of state violence and disappearances amid civil resistance.
9. Comparative Lessons from Bosnia, Rwanda, and Darfur
Historical contexts of mass atrocity—Bosnia’s ethnic cleansing, Rwanda’s genocide, and Darfur’s systematic violence—illustrate clearly the dangers inherent in false moral equivalences. Early international reluctance to distinguish clearly between perpetrators and victims in these contexts allowed genocidal violence to escalate unchecked. Such comparisons reinforce the urgent necessity for accurate identification of aggressors and victims within Ethiopia’s crisis, emphasizing that mislabeling defensive survival actions as equivalently aggressive significantly exacerbates atrocity risks.
10. Final Reflection: Toward Truth-Based Reconciliation
Timelines and comparative infographics aren’t just enhancements; they’re essential tools for clarifying historical facts and combating decades of disinformation, selective memory, and ideological distortions. The suffering of the Amhara people cannot be understood or addressed through the lens of false symmetry or political convenience. It demands truth-telling, moral clarity, and historical accountability.
In the face of ongoing massacres, mass displacement, and state betrayal, solidarity must not be postponed. Elites, activists, and scholars of all ethnic backgrounds must reject colonial myths, rehumanize the Amhara, and work toward a new political culture grounded in justice, equal citizenship, and civic unity. Without this shift, Ethiopia will remain not a mosaic of peoples, but a battlefield of competing traumas.
It is not too late to speak clearly, act courageously, and build a future where no group is targeted for who they are. But it begins with rejecting false equivalences—and standing with truth.
A View from a Former Official: Misleading Comparisons and Twisted History (Reply to Comparisons Between the Amhara Resistance and TPLF and ONLF Movements)
Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
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Exercise in futility. You unconvincingly declare that “Amhara resistance is an existential fight, not a power struggle.” All you need to do is listen to any number of Amhara warlords, and you’ll discover that their objective is to grab the seat of power at Arat Kilo (that is, drive out incumbents) and “restore Ethiopia to its former glory,” no? You are wasting words and time unless you come to your senses and recognize that solutions to Ethiopia’s problems lie in respecting others’ views and together finding ways to accommodate differences. You are simply promoting another round of bloodletting! Sorry to be blunt.
Thank you for your feedback—I value direct discussions, even when our views diverge significantly. Nonetheless, categorizing the Amhara resistance solely as a power-driven initiative led by “warlords” seriously misrepresents the situation on the ground. The vast majority of those participating in this resistance are everyday people, farmers, educators, and displaced families—reacting to life-threatening dangers. They are confronting systematic ethnic cleansing, mass killings, and forced displacement, rather than mere political disagreements. Describing their efforts to survive as simple power grabs dangerously obscures the essence of their struggle. While calls to “restore Ethiopia’s former glory” can be interpreted in various manners, fundamentally, they express a profound desire for security, dignity, and unity within a civic Ethiopia—not ethnic domination. Misrepresenting these appeals as inherently violent or driven by a desire for control overlooks the moral validity of self-defense and survival, which is clearly acknowledged under international human rights law.
Moreover, it is essential to understand that such sweeping accusations and distorted narratives are historically rooted in the failed attempts to colonize Ethiopia. Following Ethiopia’s significant victory over Italy at the Battle of Adwa, Western colonial interests shifted their tactics, seeking to exploit internal divisions to undermine the nation from within. This approach led to the emergence of several liberation movements—such as the ELF, TPLF, OLF, and ONLF—each leveraging internal rifts to fulfill their agendas. Eritrea’s eventual independence directly stemmed from these divisions, and the TPLF promoted a manifesto that portrayed Amharas as colonizers and adversaries, framing the national dialogue in divisive ethnic terms. The establishment of ethnic federalism entrenched these divisions, perpetuating cycles of conflict. While you rightly advocate for the respect of diverse perspectives, I completely concur that true respect must start with the acknowledgment and condemnation of atrocities, rather than equating victims with perpetrators. Genuine unity cannot emerge from silence or the denial of widespread suffering. Overlooking the targeted persecution of Amharas will not foster peace—it only prolongs injustice and violence. This conversation is not about inciting further bloodshed but about averting it. Peace founded on false equivalent or distorted history is not real peace, it merely delays accountability and justice, ultimately igniting future conflicts. If we genuinely seek to break Ethiopia’s cycle of violence, we must begin by bravely facing and acknowledging who is enduring suffering, who holds accountability, and the reasons behind it. Clarity, truth, and empathy—not dismissive equivalences—are the cornerstones upon which enduring peace should be established.
To achieve your goals by collaborating with Eritrea to fight Ethiopia is unconscionable, no?
How come on Earth is Amhara struggling for power?!
Rather the Amharas are fighting for their very existential threat. Haven’t you heard saying the Oromo president face to face told us, that he will make the Amharas like one of Ethiopia’s minority people. I don’t want to mention the name of one of the Ethnic groups he said. Because it is sad to call them by name. He also said word by word that he will send one million troops to kill the Amharas. He did it, and fortunately, the bravery fights from Fano forces did not let them to be eliminated in broad daylight! Still the government is sending so far almost hundreds thousands of well mechanized fighters and drones to eliminate them; whereas they send to their Oromia region tractors and fertlizers… Mr. Alem is it fair? Being an Ethiopian we all deserve to live peacefully and equally. What is going on in Ethiopia is sadly extremely disgusting!!! I rather appreciate the author for his endeavor and speaking the truth.
I run out of time to tailor my response to this article, but here is my response to a similar one by Dr. Mesay Kebede:
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Your Honor, Abiy is busy solving Ethiopia’s problems. So, I am going Pro Bono for Abiy!
NB: I have never heard/read any Oromo inviting or forcing any Amara to live in Oromia! I met no Oromo in Gojjam & Gonder during many trips/sojourns over many years, either!
1). I support Abiy [≈80%]. I am responding to your Character Assassination & Smear Campaign hoping that Ethiopian intellectuals of your generation learn at least an iota of humility/humanity/conscience/patriotism from Abiy/Adanech/Frehiywot/Kifle Horo/etc.
2). Ethiopia & Election: At the request of the >100 opposition parties, the last Ethiopian election was held under on-site scrutiny by AU/UN/EU/US/etc. Any complaint could have been filed right there & right then on site. So, Abiy’s Party won & elected him PM.
3). Democracy vs. Domestic Terrorism [DT]: Armed insurrection to topple any elected government anywhere in the world is DT. Domestic Terrorists [DTs] should face the full force of the law. Sowing anarchy as Proxy Dogs of Ethiopia’s Enemies is the worst DT.
4). War Crimes [WC] & Crimes against Humanity [CAH]: Amara Fanno [Misnomer], OLF-IFLO [‘Oromia’], TPLF-TDF [‘Tigray’], etc. have been using civilians as human shields; Schools & Monasteries as Armed Insurgency Bases; etc. That is WC & CAH.
5). Aiding & Abetting DTs: Accomplice to crime is criminal, too. So, anyone who abets any of the DTs mentioned in #4 above is equally a legitimate Law Enforcement Target.
6). Abiy’s Ethiopia: IMF & WB put Ethiopia’s economic growth at 8.1%. Abiy transformed Ethiopia from the Haile-Selassie/Derg/TPLF-EPLF/EPRDF Era’s “World’s Poster Child of Poverty & Famine” to “World’s Poster Child of Prosperity & Greenery.”
7). “Existential Threat against Amaras” Crap: Let’s take estimates for argument’s sake. Ethiopia ≈130 million. Addis ≈7 million. Over all, Amaras make ≈25% of Ethiopia. In 2019, >15 million Amaras were living in Oromia alone [ youtu.be/IXBVqbOe9uY?t=2320 ].
i). Do the Math: Leave Amaras in Oromia at 15 million. I am from Addis and ≈70% [≈5 million] are Amaras. Over 1 million Amaras live in the other Ethnic States. So, of the ≥32.5 million Amaras [25% of 130 mill.], ≤11.5 million live in Amara Zone [AZ].
ii). Therefore, if there is any threat to Amaras from Oromos [as always implied], why are more Amaras living in Oromia alone than in the AZ itself? [Cf: Never met any Oromo in Gojjam & Gonder]. So, Amaras live all over Ethiopia & benefit the most from Ethiopia.