Ethiopia! If Ethiopia Had a Genuine  Government, It Would Revoke Its  Recognition of Eritrea’s Statehood! 

Editor’s Note: Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com

by Philipos
Zinah translated the content to English 

It seems that the foundation of Ethiopia as a nation was laid upon the stone of “Abel.” Passing  this “stone of Abel” from generation to generation, Ethiopians have lived through centuries of  destruction and reconstruction, territorial contraction and expansion. 

Yet today, having lost territories that once extended to the shores of the Red Sea, we find  ourselves in a situation where both our historical legacy and geographical rights have been  stripped away. 

This painful chapter in our history raises a fundamental question: 

How did today’s generation of Ethiopians come to find themselves at the bottom of the world’s  economic and social hierarchy, dependent on the generosity of others? How did a country whose  territories once extended from the Indian Ocean to the Gulf of Aden and from Aden to the Red  Sea gradually lose its land, piece by piece, until it became completely landlocked? 

Anyone who seriously reflects on these questions, whether Ethiopian or foreign, cannot help but  look at our present geographical circumstances with a heavy heart and ask: How could this have  happened? 

The distinguished historian Carlo Conti Rossini, in his 1928 work History of Ethiopia, reflected  on Ethiopia’s remarkable history and the uncertain future awaiting its people. In a passage  attributed to him, translated from Italian, he observed that more than two thousand years of  history, independence defended with determination, and wars against numerous adversaries had  placed an enormous responsibility upon the Ethiopian people. He then posed a profound  question: 

What role would destiny reserve, in Africa’s unfolding future, for the people who had succeeded  in preserving their freedom? 

As Conti Rossini asked nearly a century ago, what fate has destiny envisioned for us? 

The reasons for our decline and the gradual shrinking of our historical territory are the civil wars,  weaknesses of successive governments, and failures of generations throughout our history. 

Many Ethiopians point their fingers at our historical adversaries such as Egypt, the Arab League,  and Western nations as the causes of our misfortunes. 

Yet we overlook the fundamental truth that the strength of an enemy is often a reflection of our  own weakness.

As Martin Luther King Jr. declared in his August 16, 1967, speech, “Where Do We Go from  Here?”: 

“A man cannot ride your back unless it is bent.” 

Rather than acknowledging our own failures, we search for excuses elsewhere, even when we  know that the underlying problems lie within ourselves. 

Our attempts to escape responsibility did not prevent Shaebia, the Eritrean People’s Liberation  Front (EPLF), from separating Eritrea from its motherland, nor did they prevent the Tigray  People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), commonly known as Woyane, from facilitating that  separation. 

Neither did they prevent countries such as Egypt and Western powers from pursuing their  longstanding interests and grievances against Ethiopia. 

Eritrea’s Secession and Its Continued Involvement in  Ethiopian Politics 

Setting aside our more distant history, let us examine recent events. 

Shaebia initially allied itself with Ethiopia’s Prosperity Party government to fight the TPLF.  Now, however, it is reportedly aligning itself with the TPLF to confront the Prosperity Party  government. 

Such conduct makes Shaebia appear less like the government of an independent country and  more like one of Ethiopia’s competing political factions. 

Indeed, when examined closely, its behavior resembles that of a breakaway political organization  rather than that of a government maintaining the responsibilities and boundaries of an  independent state. 

This argument may appear unfounded, particularly because more than thirty years have passed  since Eritrea gained international recognition as an independent country. 

However, from the establishment of Shaebia, through Eritrea’s secession, and continuing to the  present day, we must never forget that the repeated spilling of innocent people’s blood has been  the consequence of coordinated conspiracies and actions by Ethiopia’s enemies. 

From a legal standpoint, there was no legitimate justification for Eritrea to secede from Ethiopia. 

But because power ultimately determines how laws are applied, those who possessed power  acted according to their own interests.

This is why it is often said that those who respect the law are the ones who lack the power to  violate it. 

We continue to witness this reality throughout the world. 

Even today, the wars instigated by Shaebia and the bloodshed inflicted upon innocent citizens  are being carried out in pursuit of strategic objectives dictated by Egypt and other countries with  similar interests. 

This situation has become possible because Ethiopians have failed to resolve their internal  disagreements themselves and because those who govern Ethiopia have placed the preservation  of their political power above the country’s long-term national interests. 

After Shaebia separated territory that had once been part of Ethiopia, it should have established  itself as the government of an independent country and conducted its affairs accordingly. 

Instead, if Shaebia continues to form alliances with armed Ethiopian political organizations,  including the TPLF and OLF, to wage war against Ethiopia’s central government directly or  through proxies and to shed the blood of innocent citizens, then Ethiopia has no reason, nor did it  ever have a reason, to recognize Shaebia as a legitimate government or Eritrea as an independent  country. 

The sacrifices endured by our Eritrean brothers and sisters since what has been called  “independence” are evident to the entire world. 

The oppression, suffering, displacement, and exile experienced by the Eritrean people are well  known. 

The suffering of the Eritrean people must never be confused with the actions of those who  govern them. 

The Fundamental Question: Does Ethiopia Have a  Government That Truly Represents Its National Interests? 

The fundamental question before us today is this: 

Does Ethiopia have a government capable of rising above empty political propaganda, placing  the country’s true national interests first, and daring to reconsider its recognition of Eritrea as an  independent state? 

Does it have a government willing to place the dignity of Ethiopia and its people above the  desire to remain in power?

Does it have a government capable of building the economic and diplomatic strength necessary  to defend the country’s interests confidently and decisively? 

Is there a government prepared to stand firmly for Ethiopia and the Ethiopian people? 

If we are to say that Ethiopia has a government that genuinely represents its people, protects the  country’s sovereignty, has learned from the mistakes of previous rulers, and is committed to  correcting those mistakes, then that government must take the following strategic steps. 

Six Strategic Measures Ethiopia Must Take 

1. Exercise Patience and Restraint 

Regardless of the nature or extent of provocations by Shaebia, Ethiopia must demonstrate  patience, tolerance, and restraint. 

It must avoid being drawn into unnecessary confrontations and respond with the maturity and  confidence expected of a nation pursuing its long-term interests. 

2. Undertake a Comprehensive Diplomatic Campaign 

Ethiopia must engage in sustained diplomatic efforts to expose the true nature of Shaebia to  major world powers, international institutions, and foreign governments. 

In doing so, it must clearly distinguish between Shaebia, the ruling political organization, and the  Eritrean people. 

The Ethiopian government must ensure that the international community understands this  distinction and recognizes the consequences of Shaebia’s continued interference in Ethiopia’s  internal affairs. 

3. Revoke Ethiopia’s Recognition of Eritrean Statehood 

Ethiopia must formally withdraw the recognition granted to Shaebia’s government and to  Eritrea’s independence during the period of TPLF rule. 

The political decisions made by previous governments must not be considered irreversible  simply because they were accepted at the time. 

Ethiopia must have the courage to revisit those decisions in defense of its national interests.

4. Grant Ethiopian Citizenship to Eritreans Who Desire It 

Ethiopia must establish a clear and legally appropriate process through which people of Eritrean  origin who wish to become Ethiopian citizens can obtain Ethiopian nationality. 

Such a policy must be implemented carefully, within the framework of the law, and with respect  for the rights and wishes of the individuals concerned. 

5. Pursue Peaceful Dialogue with Representatives of the Eritrean People 

Ethiopia must invite political groups, organizations, and other representatives claiming to speak  on behalf of the Eritrean people to engage in peaceful dialogue. 

These discussions should take place directly between Ethiopians and Eritreans, without  unnecessary interference from outside powers. 

If direct negotiations prove impossible, discussions should be conducted within an exclusively  African framework. 

The future of the two peoples should be determined primarily through their own engagement  and, when necessary, through African institutions. 

6. Extend Humanitarian Assistance to the Eritrean People 

Ethiopia must provide the humanitarian support necessary to assist Eritreans who are suffering  from political repression, displacement, and hardship. 

Through practical action, Ethiopia must demonstrate that the historical bonds between the  Ethiopian and Eritrean peoples transcend political divisions and disputes between governments. 

The relationship between the two peoples must remain stronger than the conflicts created by their  political leaders. 

Learning From History and Building a Better Ethiopia

Ethiopia has never experienced a period entirely free from challenges. 

Throughout its long history, the country has confronted invasions, civil wars, political upheavals,  and threats to its sovereignty. Yet it has overcome many of these challenges and emerged  victorious. 

Standing where we are today, however, merely repeating the mistakes of previous rulers and  governments will not bring about meaningful change.

Neither will endlessly recalling territories we have lost by saying, “Zeila used to belong to us,” or  “Djibouti was ours yesterday.” 

Such statements, without the determination and capacity to address the underlying causes of our  problems, will accomplish nothing. 

We must move beyond ethnic politics and the divisions that have weakened our country. 

We must learn from the mistakes of the past and work to pass on a better Ethiopia to future  generations. 

But achieving this goal requires sacrifice. 

Every Ethiopian citizen must be prepared to contribute, beginning with those entrusted with  governing the country. 

National renewal demands commitment, responsibility, and a willingness to place the country’s  future above personal and political interests. 

I firmly believe that one day Ethiopians and Eritreans will free themselves from politicians who  exploit their identities, trade in their names, and sacrifice their blood for political gain. 

When that day comes, the two peoples will live together in peace, mutual respect, dignity, and  genuine care for one another. 

Ethiopia Lives Forever!!! 

Written in Amharic by Philipos 
Translated into English by Zinah 

Email: philiposmw@hotmail.com 

I humbly ask readers to understand that this article does not represent the views of any group or  organization. It reflects solely my personal opinions.

Editor’s Note: Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com  

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