Editor’s Note: Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com

By Damo Gotamo
Eritrea’s modern history has been inseparable from war. Generation after generation of Eritrean people have suffered from war, displacement, militarization and political uncertainty. After nearly 30 years of armed struggle for independence from Ethiopia, Eritrean forces, in conjunction with the TPLF-led coalition, were victorious in defeating the Derg government in 1991. Eritrea formally gained its independence in 1993, raising hopes of reconstruction and economic development.
Yet these hopes were soon disappointed, as in 1998 Eritrea and Ethiopia went to war once again, over allegedly a disputed border. The war, which ended in 2000, came at great cost to both nations in terms of people’s lives, displacement and economic damage.
The tragedy of Eritrea is that it has been denied the opportunity to recover for an almost endless series of wars.
Independence but not peace
Eritreans have paid a huge price for their independence. The struggle was supposed to be about building a country where people could live in peace, raise their children, build businesses, and not have to worry about the government’s actions. However, independence was followed by years of militarization and political repression.
Eritrea’s government has always emphasized national security, citing both the country’s history of conflicts and regional dangers. As Eritrea is a strategically located country on the Red Sea, national security is undoubtedly a key priority. Yet there is an absolute limit to how much a country should sacrifice its citizens for the sake of security concerns.
A nation cannot thrive if its people are constantly prepared for another war.
A country losing its youth
One of Eritrea’s greatest challenges is to stop losing its youth to other countries. Due to indefinite national service, political pressure, lack of economic opportunities, and uncertainty about the future many young Eritreans choose to leave the country.
While it is important to recognize the contribution of the Eritrean diaspora, both in terms of financial support to the motherland and in terms of taking pride in Eritrea’s achievements, remittances from Eritreans living abroad cannot substitute for a dynamic domestic economy.
Eritrea needs to create the conditions under which young people would not want to leave. This means giving them opportunities to receive education, pursue their careers, make their own choices, and travel freely.
The question then arises: what is the point of independence if it isn’t followed by opportunities for people to enjoy their lives?
Ethiopia and Eritrea: A dangerous cycle of history
The ties between Ethiopia and Eritrea have always been complex, as both countries pursued their own interests, however defined. The two nations fought a long and bloody independence war, followed by a devastating conflict, and eventually came to terms with each other with the 2018 peace deal. Despite the reconciliation, there were always underlying tensions, with Eritrea’s involvement with the Tigray conflict creating new grounds for confrontation.
Both nations must understand that a new round of confrontation will come at an unbearable price for both sides.
Eritrea must not pursue its strategic interests at the expense of Ethiopia’s territorial integrity and national security, and Ethiopia must not use its position as Eritrea’s only competitor to continue its internal power struggles.
Of course, political tensions are inevitable. War seems to be the easiest way out for any political disagreement, but should not be taken lightly, as it exacts an unbearable price for generations to come.
Eritrea must stop serving the strategic interests of Ethiopia’s rivals
Eritrea must realize that being a regional power broker for Ethiopia’s rivals will not bring lasting peace or stability to the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia and Egypt have long-standing disputes, primarily centered around the Nile and the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. Eritrea must not be used as a proxy in this fight by either side, as it would only further inflame regional tensions.
Ethiopia has legitimate security concerns about foreign interference in its internal affairs and sovereignty. However, regardless of our personal opinion on the Ethiopian government’s performance, its territorial integrity, national security and long-term stability should not be used as an excuse for regional power plays by other countries.
The government of Ethiopia can legitimately be criticized for its mistakes, both in its security policies as well as political and economic mismanagement. The Ethiopian people have every right to demand that changes be made and that a more competent government be elected. However, it is not the role of ordinary Ethiopians to oppose the government; they risk becoming the direct victims of the government’s harsh response to their protests.
Eritrea’s leaders must realize that helping Ethiopia’s enemies to undermine Ethiopia will not bring lasting peace or stability to the region. On the contrary, it will inflame old tensions, leading to a new round of hostilities between the two nations. It is impossible to build peace on the back of another nation’s weaknesses, and it is impossible to build stability on the back of another nation’s humiliation.
Supporting Ethiopia’s enemies will inevitably lead to another round of hostilities between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which will be devastating for both sides.
Egypt has legitimate strategic interests in the region, and Eritrea has legitimate strategic interests in ensuring regional stability. The Eritrean government should not assume that Egypt’s strategic interests will necessarily serve Eritrean interests, nor should it act on the assumption that historical regional rivalries should dictate its foreign policy decisions. The same goes for Ethiopia – neither country should use proxies and regional rivalries to threaten the other’s sovereignty.
The question of Ethiopia’s access to the port of Assab
Whenever the question of lasting peace in the Horn of Africa is raised it is impossible to ignore Ethiopia’s strategic need for access to the sea. Assab is an Eritrean port on the Red Sea that Ethiopia desperately needs in order to have reliable and inexpensive maritime trade routes.
Following Eritrea’s independence, Ethiopia has been landlocked and has relied on the ports of its neighbors, particularly Djibouti. For a country of over 130 million people, the cost and reliability of transit through other countries’ ports is a major concern.
Ethiopia therefore has very legitimate reasons to request reliable and inexpensive access to the sea. Of particular strategic interest to Ethiopia is the Eritrean port of Assab.
A compromise agreement granting Ethiopia’s businesses access to the port of Assab in exchange for revenue or other considerations would be a win-win situation for both countries, opening up trade and investment opportunities for businesses on both sides of the border.Instead of trying to turn access to Assab into a zero-sum game, both countries should work together to ensure that Ethiopia has reliable and inexpensive access to the sea, while Eritrea enjoys guaranteed revenues from the deal.
The question is not whether Ethiopia needs access to the sea. It clearly does. The question is whether such access can be achieved through compromise rather than confrontation.
The question of the TPLF and the loss of Ethiopia’s access to the sea
Ethiopia’s loss of direct access to the sea is also inextricably linked with the TPLF and its role in the independence struggle.
Critics of the TPLF maintain that the party undermined Ethiopia by failing to secure Eritrea’s independence in a way that would have given Ethiopia permanent access to the sea.
In the eyes of the critics, the TPLF acted out of sheer selfishness in pursuing Eritrea’s independence without negotiating a permanent maritime agreement with Ethiopia.
The critics are right to point out that the TPLF should have considered the long-term costs of losing access to the sea for Ethiopia. The TPLF bears a huge responsibility for this situation, as Ethiopia’s independence from Eritrea was far from a spontaneous decision.
Eritrea’s independence was the result of a long-armed struggle and a referendum in 1993. Calling the situation an act of sabotage by the TPLF is a political maneuver designed to score cheap political points by playing on anti-Eritrean sentiment.
The crucial point is how Ethiopia can obtain reliable and inexpensive access to the sea without sparking another war. Historical tensions should be acknowledged, but should not be used as an excuse for perpetual confrontation.
The human cost of another war
Another war between Eritrea and Ethiopia would come at an incredible human cost to both nations. Worse still, it would inflame old wounds, making future reconciliation difficult.
Many Ethiopian soldiers grew up hearing stories from their fathers about the hardships of the independence war. Other families were left to fend for themselves during the period of military demobilization and political upheaval. Families on both sides of the border continue to remember the sacrifices and suffering of the war years.
These stories matter because wars are not fought by governments, but by young men and women who have to leave behind their families and everything they hold dear in order to defend their country.
Neither people should be treated as the enemy of the other. Ordinary Eritreans and Ethiopians share many common interests, from peace and stability to economic opportunities and family security. Political leaders should not exploit historical tensions to prepare another generation of young people for war.
Eritrea needs a different definition of victory
Eritrea’s independence was a momentous achievement. However, independence from whom? The triumph of Eritrea’s independence has always been in doubt, as the entire population has been mobilized in the struggle for independence from Ethiopia. Eritrea’s real victory should have been in showing the world that its people have the strength and determination to build their own country, free from foreign interference. A true victory would have been for Eritrea to demonstrate that its people can live happy and fulfilling lives, free from constant military service.
Eritrea needs to undertake political and economic reforms to improve the living standards of its citizens and give them hope for the future. It needs to stop fueling youth emigration and encourage youth to pursue careers that contribute to the country’s development. Eritrea needs to invest in its future and stop spending its resources on endless wars.
Above all, it needs durable and lasting peace with Ethiopia. Eritrea needs to stop viewing Ethiopia as an existential threat to its national security.
Ethiopia, for its part, must confront its internal political challenges and pursue its legitimate interests with regard to maritime access. A compromise agreement involving the Eritrean port of Assab could become an opportunity for cooperation if both nations put their citizens’ economic interests ahead of political confrontation.
The TPLF’s actions, Eritrea’s leadership, and Ethiopia’s current government can all be criticized. However, criticism should help to move the conversation forward and not inflame old tensions.
Eritrea has already paid an enormous price for its independence. Ethiopia has also paid a heavy price for losing direct access to the sea. Neither nation should force its next generation to pay an even greater price for another war.
Editor’s Note: Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
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