Girma Berhanu (Professor)
1. Introduction
Mob violence against immigrants in South Africa has become a recurring and deeply troubling phenomenon. Repeatedly, foreign African nationals have been attacked on the grounds that they are “illegal immigrants” or that they are “taking our jobs.” The violence has become intolerable. People have been burned alive, stoned to death, beaten, and forced from their homes and businesses. Their property has been looted and destroyed, while government authorities have often appeared unable or unwilling to halt these attacks effectively.
Some African governments have acted swiftly to evacuate their citizens and protect their interests. Nigeria, for example, has instructed citizens returning from South Africa to document the businesses, vehicles, homes, and other assets they were forced to abandon during anti-immigrant violence so that compensation claims can be pursued under the voluntary evacuation programme.
Ethiopia, however, has largely remained a spectator. As has too often been the case, the Ethiopian government has done little to reassure or protect its citizens abroad. Ethiopians have rarely had a government that consistently defended their rights, safeguarded their dignity, or stood with them in times of hardship overseas.
For decades, Ethiopians living abroad have faced abuse, exploitation, arbitrary detention, discrimination, and other forms of mistreatment. In many instances, their government has remained silent or failed to intervene with sufficient urgency. Rather than consistently defending its citizens wherever they may be, successive Ethiopian governments have too often neglected them when protection was needed most.
In my view, this reflects a long-standing pattern in which those in power have prioritized political survival over the welfare, rights, and safety of Ethiopian citizens.
What makes the current situation particularly painful is Ethiopia’s historic contribution to South Africa’s liberation struggle. Ethiopia was one of Africa’s strongest supporters of the fight against apartheid. During the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie, members of the African National Congress (ANC), including future South African leaders, received support and military training. Ethiopia also contributed financially and diplomatically to the broader struggle against apartheid, investing significant political capital in the liberation of South Africa.
Today, it is heartbreaking to witness Ethiopians becoming victims of violent anti-immigrant attacks in the very country whose liberation Ethiopia helped support. Innocent lives have been lost, families have been displaced, and livelihoods have been destroyed.
This paper asks two fundamental questions: What concrete measures should be taken to end the continuing violence against African immigrants in South Africa? And how can African governments and regional institutions be mobilized to hold South Africa accountable and, where appropriate, impose diplomatic, economic, or political sanctions until meaningful action is taken to protect all people living within its borders?
2. Ethiopia’s Contribution to the ANC During the Anti-Apartheid Struggle
Ethiopia played a significant role in supporting the African National Congress (ANC) during South Africa’s long struggle against apartheid. As one of the few African nations to preserve its independence during the colonial era, Ethiopia became a powerful symbol of African freedom and an important source of political, diplomatic, and moral support for liberation movements across the continent.
We Ethiopians grew up taking great pride in our country’s solidarity with the people of South Africa, who endured the indignities of apartheid—stripped of their fundamental rights, relegated to second-class citizenship, and subjected to institutionalized racial oppression. Ethiopia’s support reflected not only the policies of successive governments but also the deeply held convictions of its people.
Nor was Ethiopia alone. Across Africa, many nations, despite their own poverty and daunting domestic challenges, stood firmly with the ANC and other liberation movements. They offered political backing, diplomatic advocacy, material assistance, and, in some cases, the lives of their own citizens in the struggle against apartheid.
By contrast, several major Western powers—including the United States, the United Kingdom, Israel, and a number of European countries—maintained varying degrees of diplomatic, economic, or strategic relations with the apartheid regime for much of the Cold War, although many later imposed sanctions or supported the negotiations that ultimately helped bring apartheid to an end.
Despite its limited resources and its own pressing national challenges, Ethiopia made sacrifices far beyond what might have been expected of a poor country. From the ANC’s formative years through the decades of its armed and political struggle, Ethiopia remained a steadfast supporter until the eventual triumph of democracy in South Africa. That legacy remains a source of pride for many Ethiopians who believed that the struggle against apartheid was not only South Africa’s cause but Africa’s collective moral responsibility.
One of Ethiopia’s most significant contributions to the anti-apartheid struggle was its military assistance to the African National Congress (ANC). In the early 1960s, Ethiopia welcomed ANC members for military instruction, providing training in guerrilla warfare, weapons handling, military strategy, and leadership. This support helped strengthen the ANC’s armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (“Spear of the Nation”), established in 1961 to wage armed resistance against the apartheid regime.
Among those who benefited from Ethiopia’s support was Nelson Mandela. In 1962, while traveling secretly across Africa to seek political and military assistance for the ANC, Mandela spent time in Ethiopia, where he received military training from the Ethiopian Army. There, he was introduced to military discipline, tactical planning, and the handling of firearms—skills that he later regarded as valuable preparation for the armed phase of the liberation struggle. Mandela also developed a profound admiration for Ethiopia. As one of the very few African countries to preserve its independence during the colonial era, Ethiopia stood as a powerful symbol of African dignity, resilience, and resistance. Its history inspired Mandela and many other African freedom fighters, reinforcing their conviction that colonial domination and racial oppression could ultimately be defeated.
Ethiopia’s contribution extended well beyond military training. By opening its doors to liberation movements, providing diplomatic support, and sharing its limited resources with those fighting for freedom, Ethiopia demonstrated a commitment to African solidarity that far exceeded what might have been expected from a country confronting its own economic and political challenges.
Ethiopia also played a pivotal role in the political and diplomatic campaign against apartheid. It consistently supported the African National Congress (ANC) on the international stage, condemned apartheid as a grave injustice, and recognized the ANC as the legitimate representative of South Africa’s oppressed majority. The Ethiopian government actively supported United Nations initiatives against apartheid and joined other African states in calling for international sanctions and the diplomatic isolation of the apartheid regime.
As the host nation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), headquartered in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia occupied a unique position in Africa’s liberation struggle. Through the OAU, liberation movements—including the ANC—received political recognition, diplomatic backing, and coordinated financial and material assistance. The organization also served as a forum through which African states forged a united front against colonialism, racial oppression, and minority rule. Ethiopia was instrumental in shaping this collective African response and in sustaining continental solidarity during some of the most difficult years of the struggle.
Equally important was Ethiopia’s moral leadership. Under Emperor Haile Selassie I, the country became one of the continent’s most influential advocates for African independence and unity. The Emperor spoke forcefully against colonialism, racial discrimination, and apartheid, urging African nations to stand together in defense of freedom and human dignity. His government extended consistent support to liberation movements not only in South Africa but also in Namibia, Zimbabwe, Angola, and Mozambique. Ethiopia’s unwavering commitment to these causes earned it a reputation as one of the principal champions of African liberation and helped inspire generations of freedom fighters across the continent.
The symbolic importance of Ethiopia for peoples living under the scourge of imperialism and the yoke of colonialism is immeasurable. For generations of Africans and other oppressed peoples, Ethiopia stood as a beacon of hope, dignity, and resistance. As one of the world’s oldest independent states and one of the very few African nations to preserve its sovereignty during the colonial era, it embodied the possibility that foreign domination was neither inevitable nor permanent.
Ethiopia’s victory over Italy at the Battle of Adwa in 1896 was a defining moment in modern African history. It demonstrated to the world that an African nation could successfully defeat a European imperial power, shattering the myth of colonial invincibility. The triumph at Adwa resonated far beyond Ethiopia’s borders, inspiring anti-colonial movements across Africa and the African diaspora.
For countless freedom fighters—including those who struggled against apartheid in South Africa—Ethiopia became far more than a nation. It was a powerful symbol of African dignity, independence, resilience, and the enduring determination to resist oppression. Its history nurtured the belief that the fight for freedom, however long and difficult, could ultimately prevail. Given this long history of solidarity and sacrifice, many Ethiopians have found it profoundly painful to witness Ethiopian migrants becoming victims of xenophobic violence in South Africa. The killing of innocent people, the destruction and looting of their businesses and property, and the climate of fear in which many have been forced to live stand in stark contrast to the spirit of African brotherhood that Ethiopia championed for decades. These events have left many Ethiopians feeling shocked, saddened, and deeply disappointed.
Those responsible for such violence should be held accountable. Legitimate grievances over unemployment, inequality, or the unequal distribution of resources should be addressed through lawful and democratic means and directed toward the institutions responsible for public policy—not against fellow Africans who have come seeking honest livelihoods. The ideals that united Africans in the struggle against colonialism and apartheid demand solidarity, justice, and respect for human dignity, not discrimination, xenophobia, or violence against one another.
3. Xenophobic Violence in South Africa
Xenophobic violence in South Africa refers to attacks, intimidation, discrimination, and hostility directed at foreign nationals, particularly migrants and refugees from other African countries. As one of Africa’s largest and most developed economies, South Africa has long attracted migrants seeking employment, education, business opportunities, and refuge from conflict or economic hardship. Yet tensions between some local communities and immigrants have repeatedly erupted into violence.
These attacks are not new. They have recurred over many years in successive waves, claiming lives, destroying livelihoods, and displacing thousands of people. In recent weeks, a renewed surge of anti-migrant protests and attacks has been reported in several cities. Foreign-owned businesses have been looted and destroyed, while innocent migrants—including Ethiopians—have been assaulted, killed, or forced to flee their homes. For the victims and their families, these are not simply statistics but devastating human tragedies.
The South African government has publicly condemned the violence, deployed police during periods of unrest, initiated criminal investigations, arrested some perpetrators, and reaffirmed that violence against migrants is unlawful. At the same time, it has intensified immigration enforcement. While these measures are important, many observers believe they have been insufficient to prevent recurring outbreaks of violence or to adequately protect vulnerable communities. Given South Africa’s relatively well-developed institutions and security infrastructure, many question why these attacks continue to occur with such frequency and why more decisive preventive action has not been taken. Governments have a fundamental responsibility to protect everyone within their borders, regardless of nationality or immigration status.
South Africa continues to face profound structural challenges, including high unemployment, widespread poverty, deep inequality, and persistent crime. In times of economic hardship, some citizens have come to blame migrants for taking jobs, competing with local businesses, or contributing to criminal activity. However, numerous studies have found that these perceptions are often exaggerated or unsupported by the available evidence. Misinformation and inflammatory political rhetoric can easily exploit economic frustrations, fueling resentment and making migrants convenient scapegoats for broader social and economic problems.
Whatever the underlying causes, the murder of innocent people, the destruction of their property, and the forced displacement of families cannot be justified. Such acts neither create employment nor reduce crime, nor do they address the structural problems confronting South African society. Instead, they inflict suffering on vulnerable people while undermining the rule of law, social cohesion, and the ideals of African solidarity.
The recurring violence has also damaged South Africa’s standing across the continent and strained its relations with neighboring countries whose citizens have been targeted. Diplomatic expressions of concern, however, offer little consolation to those who have lost loved ones, homes, businesses, and livelihoods. Lasting solutions require more than periodic condemnations after violence has erupted. They demand effective law enforcement, the swift prosecution of perpetrators, stronger protection for vulnerable communities, responsible political leadership, public education to counter misinformation, and sustained efforts to address the underlying challenges of unemployment, inequality, and poor governance. Only through a comprehensive and consistent approach can South Africa provide a safe environment for both its citizens and the migrants who have come to contribute to its economy and society.
However, critics argue that responses have often focused on restoring order after violence rather than addressing its underlying causes. Human rights organizations have also expressed concern that stronger immigration enforcement, if not carefully implemented, can unintentionally reinforce anti-migrant sentiment. The role of Civil Society is very important. Addressing the problem requires not only effective policing but also long-term efforts to reduce poverty, improve governance, promote social cohesion, and protect the rights of everyone living in the country, regardless of nationality.
As one frustrated immigrant reiterated, South Africa’s economy remains largely controlled by a wealthy White Afrikaner minority, leaving many Black South Africans with limited economic opportunities. Unable to challenge what he described as “the high-level political and corporate structures responsible for their poverty,” he said, many instead direct their frustrations at “defenseless Black immigrants.” While apartheid-era inequality remains central to political debate, he said anger toward the White minority is largely expressed through legal and political channels, while Black African migrants bear the brunt of street-level violence. Another guy called it a paradox: migrants face the greatest risk of xenophobic attacks yet receive little international protection, while “the group (White South Africans) that retains significant economic privilege and is protected by elite private security and fortified suburban infrastructure is granted expedited political asylum abroad.” As known Trump administration proposes admitting more White South African refugees. Some observants said that “Why fight someone who is hungry like you while leaving the ones who have taken all your wealth?”
The role of civil society is therefore indispensable. Religious institutions, community organizations, trade unions, educators, and the media all have an important part to play in combating misinformation, promoting social cohesion, and fostering a culture of mutual respect. Ultimately, addressing xenophobic violence requires more than effective policing. It demands sustained efforts to reduce poverty, expand economic opportunities, improve governance, strengthen the rule of law, and protect the rights and dignity of everyone living in South Africa, regardless of nationality.
One frustrated immigrant summarized what he viewed as the underlying contradiction:
South Africa’s economy remains largely controlled by a relatively small, wealthy minority, while millions of Black South Africans continue to face unemployment, poverty, and limited economic opportunities. Unable to confront the political and economic structures they believe are responsible for their hardship, some instead direct their anger toward defenseless Black African immigrants.
Whether or not one fully accepts this analysis, it reflects a perception shared by many migrants and some commentators: that those with the least political and economic power often become the easiest targets for public frustration.
Another observer described the situation as a painful paradox. Black African migrants, despite being among the most vulnerable communities in South Africa, frequently bear the greatest risk of xenophobic violence while receiving limited international attention or protection. At the same time, he argued, wealthier and better-protected groups are often better positioned to secure international assistance or migration opportunities. The contrast has become part of a broader international debate, particularly following proposals by the Trump administration to prioritize the admission of some White South Africans as refugees.
Perhaps the most poignant observation came from another commentator, who asked: “Why fight someone who is as poor and hungry as you are while leaving unchallenged the structures that have concentrated so much of the nation’s wealth?” Regardless of one’s political perspective, the question captures a fundamental truth: violence against migrants neither reduces poverty nor creates jobs. It diverts attention from the difficult but necessary work of addressing inequality, expanding opportunity, and building a society founded on justice rather than fear.
Finally, although this essay is concerned with all immigrants who have fallen victim to these brutal acts of xenophobic violence, my particular concern has been the plight of Ethiopians. Ethiopia stood with South Africa during its darkest years, contributing to the struggle against colonialism, apartheid, and institutionalized racial oppression through military training, diplomatic advocacy, and unwavering moral support. For many Ethiopians, the violence directed against their compatriots is therefore especially painful. It appears to betray a shared history of African solidarity and mutual sacrifice.
The killings of innocent people, the destruction and looting of their businesses, and the displacement of families cannot be justified under any circumstances. Economic hardship, unemployment, inequality, or political frustration may help explain why such violence occurs, but they do not excuse it. No grievance can legitimize the murder of innocent people or the persecution of fellow Africans whose only aspiration is to earn an honest living.
What makes the plight of Ethiopian victims even more distressing is the perception that they have received little meaningful protection or advocacy from their own government. Many Ethiopians believe that their state has failed to respond with the urgency, compassion, and determination that such a humanitarian tragedy demands. A government’s foremost responsibility is to safeguard the lives, rights, and dignity of its citizens, wherever they may be. When it appears indifferent to their suffering, the sense of abandonment becomes a second tragedy for those already victimized by violence.
The victims deserve justice. Their families deserve compassion. And Africa deserves better than a future in which those who once stood together against oppression become divided by fear, hatred, and xenophobia.
Professor Girma Berhanu teaches at the Department of Education and Special Education, Gothenburg University, Sweden. He can be reached at girma.berhanu@ped.gu.se
References
- Mandela – Long Walk to Freedom
- Bahru Zewde – A History of Modern Ethiopia
- Raymond Jonas – The Battle of Adwa
- Martin Meredith – The State of Africa
- Tom Lodge – Black Politics in South Africa Since 1945
- Anthony Sampson – Mandela
- Leonard Thompson – A History of South Africa
- Jonathan Crush – The Perfect Storm
- Loren Landau – Exorcising the Demons Within
- South African Human Rights Commission reports
- Amnesty International reports
- Human Rights Watch reports
- OAU/African Union documents
- United Nations resolutions on apartheid
Editor’s Note: Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
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