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By Teshale Nega
Eskinder Nega is a well-known politician, former journalist, blogger, and political activist, recognized for his outspoken criticism of the EPRDF (1&2) governments. He founded several independent newspapers and was arrested multiple times, most notably in 2005 and 2011, on charges including treason and terrorism—convictions that human rights organizations widely criticized as politically motivated. In 2012, he was sentenced to 18 years in prison but was released in 2018. Eskinder has received international awards for press freedom and has been recognized as a prisoner of conscience. In 2019, he founded the Balderas for Genuine Democracy Party. Overall, he has built a prominent reputation in Ethiopian politics, particularly within centrist political circles. It is within this contextual reality and recognition that the following critical reflection is developed.
In recent years, he has been involved in the Amhara region’s Fano movement and has emerged as a leader of the Amahra Fano Popular Organization (AFPO- አፋሀድ) since 2023. However, his involvement in the Fano struggle is marked by paradox and remains highly controversial. He should have distanced himself from the movement, or alternatively, the movement should have rejected his involvement from the outset. Of course, he has the right to support the struggle like any other Ethiopian; however, given the role he assumed, he became one of the main figures responsible for delaying the progress of the Fano struggle. Not the sole responsible but among those who played critical role in the division. One of the main reasons for this was the emergence of his admirers—die-hard Eskinder supporters, often referred to as Eskinderian. These individuals, like Eskinder himself, have contributed to confusion and division, resulting in unnecessary sacrifices. The reasons for this position are explained below.
1. Eskinder and Eskinderian real political DNA
Let us state the obvious from the outset: the Amhara Fano struggle is an existential struggle. Those who understand what has transpired over the past 50 years—some even extending this period to more than 80 years, recognize that it has been against the Amhara people and the interests of the people. The country’s elites have systematically failed the Amhara people. There is no lack of elites and scholars from Amhara people, but most failed by their own people. It is an accumulation of many events and scenarios but here we are. The Amhara are at a critical time in history in the country. The fundamental ideology of the struggle is founded on reversing this trend and securing equal rights for the Amhara people, as enjoyed by other citizens of the country. It is not sufficient to be merely offended by the TPLF or the current Prosperity Party (PP) government. The problem is deep rooted. Whereas the political philosophy of Eskinder and his supporters, Eskinderian, is rooted squarely in opposition to the TPLF and may be PP too. This is why they are even inclined in supporting the current government—following the principle of “the enemy of my enemy is my friend,” an ancient proverb suggesting that two rivals may ally against a common foe. The political DNA of Eskinder and his supporters was formed during the TPLF/EPDRF era and shaped primarily by opposition to the TPLF/EPDRF. Now it is extended to the placenta of the TPLF party, PP. That is essentially it.
The Amhara Fano movement, on the other hand, emerged out of decades of frustration marked by persecution, killings, kidnappings, and systematic economic marginalization spanning more than five decades. If one asks this question of AI, the following point emerges very clearly: “At its center, Fano is driven by Amhara collective grievance and a belief that Amhara people have been systematically targeted, marginalized, or left unprotected under Ethiopia’s ethnic federal system.” Eskinder does not truly align with this struggle, even if he claims to have been part of it earlier in life and has written about it many years ago. Such claims carry little merit. He would earn genuine respect if he positioned himself as fighting for Ethiopia and Ethiopians as a whole, rather than exclusively for the Amhara people. For him, the Amhara Fano movement is not fundamentally different from the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) or other ethnically based struggles. He fundamentally does not believe in ethnic politics. Instead, he wants Fano to bring back his vision of the old Ethiopia. Most of his supporters share the same political DNA. His most die-hard supporters are those who want Fano to dismantle ethnic politics altogether. This creates a paradox when Eskinder and his followers enter the struggle of a new generation in Amhara politics who primarily stand for the wellbeing of the people. Of course, as we have heard from seasoned Fano leaders, they have repeatedly explained that they are fighting to defend their people from a systematic existential threat and then to work together with fellow Ethiopians to build a nation that respects every citizen.
2. The Mismatch of Purpose and Strategy – Delaying Unity
One thing Eskinder missed is that he joined an already existing resistance that had been built over a long period of time, yet he tried to lead it in his own way. In doing so, he and his supporters delayed the unity of Fano. This delay created a paradox in light of his claim that he was there to fight for the people. The Oromo elites had been building political momentum for several decades. They were not uniform but rather consisted of different strands and variants. Although divisions remained, the OPDO—the offspring of the EPRDF—eventually dominated and took power unexpectedly. At the time when TPLF leaders fled to Mekelle, so called reform time, Jawar Mohammed, a prominent Oromo politician, famously remarked that “there are two governments,” highlighting the seriousness of the internal power struggle. But the elites agreed to unite, by hook or by crook. That is why we are now in the era of a few Oromo elites’ hegemony in the name of the vast Oromo people. It is often said that the TPLF took nearly 15 years to unite the people of Tigray under a single political program. In the final two years, they managed to galvanize the Amhara and other groups against the Derg and captured 4 Kilo shortly thereafter, following their consolidation of control over Tigray. The march from Shire to Addis Ababa took only two years after that unity was achieved. Eskinder and his followers could have known better! Now, the Unity has happened, the Amhara Fano National Movement (የአማራ ፋኖ ብሔራዊ ንቅናቄ) and leadership is established. A huge step in the struggle.
3. Gambling to Stay in Power
When Eskinder co-founded the Amahra Fano Popular Organization (AFPO- አፋሀድ), he became its leader. A few days ago, three senior leaders of his organization defected to the government shortly before a planned unification. Interestingly, on the same day they joined the government, he issued statements announcing that they had been removed from his organization, something he did not just once but three times. This raised questions about leadership structure and revealed deeper issues that had been present from the beginning.
After his efforts in Addis Ababa failed to gain sufficient momentum, he traveled to the Amhara Region and joined the Fano movement there. At that time, although there was no unified front, various small resistance groups were active across the region. He entered this loosely organized yet widespread movement. When his ideas did not gain traction, he began selecting and organizing his own groups within the broader, chaotic environment. He sought to bring together Fano fighters who needed resources to defend their communities. Many of these fighters were genuine, but some were reportedly influenced by government pressure or financial incentives. He was cautious in selecting individuals, yet some of those he later gathered proved to lack merit and character. Still, until the final days of their defection, he counted them as committed members of his organization.
The behavior of some defectors—such as Captain Masresha Sete, the Head of the Foreign Affairs Department and Commander-in-Chief of the AFPF Gojjam Command, and Colonel Fantahun Muhaba, the deputy head of AFPO and in charge of forces in Wollo Bete Amhara Teklay Gizat—illustrates how deeply the organization had been infiltrated by sabotage. Given this situation, it is difficult to understand how he continued to present himself as a meaningful force within the Amhara Fano movement. It was gambling on the struggle. Even his supporters encouraged him to remain in this stalemate, revealing a significant paradox. They attempted to defend this catastrophe as if nothing had happened. In fact, many prominent figures have lost their lives due to such divisions and rifts among the Fano forces.
The way forward
As people often say, Eskinder is a patriotic man who cares about his country and his fellow citizens. Nothing harmful should happen to him, and he can still contribute meaningfully to the country’s political landscape. However, he should remain within an appropriate role. There are many unanswered questions: Why did he step outside his lane? How did he manage to leave detention in the Amhara Region? Did he have connections with Beaden, the other offshoot of the former ruling structure? Half of his comrades have returned to Beaden, and the rest may be staying for further disruptive activities. Another question people ask is why he went to that monastery; the place became a target shortly after his arrival. These and other concerns naturally lead to various suspicions and theories. This is not intended to cast doubt on the new unity but rather to encourage vigilance so that, if challenges arise, people know how to respond in order to safeguard the unity and maintain momentum until success is achieved. It is also correct that he abstains from being part of the new organization’s central leadership. He can help the struggle in other formats. But for now, it is time for him to take a reflection time. Those around him should protect and see him as one of the country men who can be seen as the likes of the Ethiopian Che Guevara. His supporters too have to keep their lane and take time to reflect and support the Amhara Fano struggle constructively.
Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
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