HomeOpinionOur Pain; Their Pleasure: Rebuttal To Mohamud A. Ahmed’s Characterization Of Abiy...

Our Pain; Their Pleasure: Rebuttal To Mohamud A. Ahmed’s Characterization Of Abiy Ahmed Ali As A Reformist

Abiy _ Ethiopia _ Ethiopian Politics
SM (file)

(Getahun Assefa)

The portrayal of Abiy Ahmed Ali, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, as a reformist figure is a deeply flawed narrative that often stems from parochial ethnic and religious loyalties, where supporters prioritize tribal or sectarian affiliations over objective scrutiny of his actions. Alternatively, this misguided characterization can arise from insidious networks of corruption and bribery, as political aspirants and party loyalists exchange flattery for favors, personal gain, or positions of power within his administration. In truth, any individual endowed with a sound mind and a thoughtful analytical framework would recoil at the notion of dubbing Abiy a reformist; his tenure has been marred by ruthless military campaigns, including the indiscriminate use of drones and warplanes that have claimed countless civilian lives in regions like Amhara, Tigray and Oromia. Far more fitting descriptors for him are those that capture the grim reality of his rule: a killer who has unleashed violence on his own people, a genocidal architect presiding over ethnic cleansings and mass atrocities, a corrupt leader entangled in cronyism and embezzlement, and an unrepentant warmonger whose escalatory policies have plunged the nation into cycles of devastation and despair. To whitewash these truths is not just intellectual dishonesty but a betrayal of the victims whose blood stains his legacy.

In his recent article, “The Misunderstood Reformer: Dr. Abiy Ahmed and the Burden of Ethiopia’s Unfinished Greatness,” Mohamud A. Ahmed paints a sympathetic portrait of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed as a visionary leader grappling with Ethiopia’s complex challenges. Ahmed argues that Abiy’s reforms are misunderstood, burdened by historical legacies and external pressures, positioning him as a beacon of progress in a nation striving for greatness. This narrative, however, is not just flawed—it’s dangerously irresponsible. It glosses over the catastrophic human cost of Abiy’s tenure, where policies and conflicts have led to widespread death, displacement, and despair. To label Abiy a “reformer” while ignoring the suffering of millions is ethnocentric at best and inhumane at worst. For Ethiopians enduring this nightmare, our pain seems to fuel the pleasure of those who romanticize power from afar.

Since Abiy Ahmed assumed office in 2018, Ethiopia has descended into a vortex of violence and humanitarian crisis that belies any claim to reformist glory. The Tigray war alone, which erupted in November 2020, has resulted in staggering loss of life. Estimates suggest hundreds of thousands have perished, including civilians targeted in airstrikes and massacres. In one horrific incident in June 2021, an airstrike on a market in Tigray killed at least 60 people and injured over 40, with reports of bodies scattered amid the rubble. Beyond Tigray, ethnic violence in regions like Benishangul-Gumuz and Oromia has claimed thousands more, with government forces implicated in attacks that left dozens of dead in a single massacre in 2020. Ahmed’s article conveniently overlooks these grim realities, focusing instead on Abiy’s purported burdens. But how can one speak of “unfinished greatness” when millions of Ethiopians lie dead, their lives extinguished in conflicts exacerbated under Abiy’s watch? The cumulative death toll from protests, wars, and ethnic clashes since 2018 runs into the hundreds of thousands, if not more, turning reformist rhetoric into a cruel irony.

 This violence has not only killed but uprooted entire communities, creating one of the world’s largest populations of internally displaced persons (IDPs). As of mid-2025, over 3.45 million people remain displaced across Ethiopia, primarily due to conflict and drought. In Tigray and Amhara alone, forced evictions and military operations have evicted millions from their homes, leaving them in makeshift camps with inadequate shelter and security. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) reports that conflict accounts for 69% of these displacements, with many IDPs facing repeated uprooting as fighting persists. Ahmed’s piece mentions Ethiopia’s “transition,” but what transition justifies rendering millions homeless in their own country? Families torn from ancestral lands now languish in limbo, their pleas for return ignored amid ongoing hostilities. This is not reform; it’s a systematic unravelling of social fabric, where the displaced bear the brunt of Abiy’s failures to broker lasting peace.

 The toll on Ethiopia’s future generations is equally devastating. Approximately 13 million children are out of school nationwide, with an additional 3.5 million at risk of dropping out due to conflict, poverty, and displacement. In Tigray, an estimated 4.2 million children have been denied education since the war began, their schools destroyed or repurposed as military bases. UNICEF warns that without urgent intervention, a generation risks permanent exclusion from learning, perpetuating cycles of poverty and instability. In regions like Amhara and Oromia, where schools have been caught in crossfire, children as young as five are forced into labor or idleness, their dreams deferred indefinitely. Ahmed extols Abiy’s vision for Ethiopia’s greatness, yet what greatness emerges from robbing 11 million children of their right to education? This educational blackout is a direct consequence of Abiy’s militarized approach, prioritizing control over classrooms.

 Compounding this misery is Ethiopia’s deepening food insecurity, where 25-30 million people depend on aid to survive. The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that 30.6 million Ethiopians face severe acute food insecurity between June and August 2025, with nearly 1.2 million in emergency phases bordering on famine. Conflict in key agricultural areas has disrupted farming, while economic shocks and climate extremes exacerbate the crisis. The World Food Programme (WFP) highlights that 80% of Ethiopians rely on agriculture, yet ongoing wars have left fields fallow and markets empty. In Tigray, blockades during the war led to starvation tactics, a grim echo in current shortages. Ahmed’s narrative of burdened leadership ignores how Abiy’s policies have entrenched this dependency, turning a once self-reliant nation into one begging for handouts.

Nowhere is the hollowness of Abiy’s reformer label more evident than in the ongoing wars in Amhara and Oromia. In Amhara, the conflict between federal forces and Fano militias rages on into 2025, marked by war crimes including extrajudicial killings and forced disappearances. Similarly, Oromia endures insurgencies and crackdowns, with protests evolving into armed resistance against perceived marginalization. These are not mere “challenges” as Ahmed might frame them; they are devastating wars pitting Ethiopians against their own government, with civilians caught in the middle. 

 Finally, the unaddressed war crimes in Amhara, Tigray and Oromia stand as a monument to impunity under Abiy. Reports document mass killings, sexual violence, and ethnic cleansing by Ethiopian and allied forces, yet justice remains elusive. United Nations experts warn of ongoing risks of atrocities, with transitional justice mechanisms failing to deliver accountability. Tigrayans continue to suffer without redress, their pain dismissed in narratives like Ahmed’s.

 Calling Abiy a reformer amid this carnage is not just uninformed—it’s immoral. Ethiopia’s “unfinished greatness” cannot be built on the graves of its people. Ahmed’s piece exemplifies how distant observers derive intellectual pleasure from oversimplified stories, while we endure the pain. True reform demands confronting these truths, not burying them.

Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com  

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9 COMMENTS

  1. “The Misunderstood Reformer” exhibits clear bias, filled with exaggerations and inaccuracies. It reads more like propaganda than an objective analysis, designed to obscure Abiy’s failures and promote his harmful agenda—much like “putting lipstick on a pig.” One must question whether the author genuinely believes the arguments presented or is intentionally spreading misleading narratives. Evaluating the integrity and intent behind such writings is crucial, as it not only informs us about the author’s credibility but also assesses the validity of their claims.

    Thank you, Getahun, for your insight and response.
    Ezra

  2. I support Abiy ≈80%. In my life time, Abiy’s Party is the first ever elected under on-site scrutiny by AU/UN/EU/US/etc. The over 100 opposition parties demanded an on-site poll station scrutiny by Westerners. It is Abiy & Co. who added AU since Ethiopia is a Black African Nation.

    So, why weren’t irregularities reported on-site? It’s a no-brainer that armed insurrection against an elected government is Domestic Terrorism and should be dealt a Mortal Blow.

    Cf.: Some former regimes chose to watch ≈200K citizens starve than airdrop 100g [10¢] bread. Under Abiy, >10 million students/kindergartners/nursery babies get ≥2 free meals.

    Abiy is a Nobel Prize millionaire who could have lived a luxurious life anywhere. He chose to lead a Troubled & Turbulent Ethiopia plagued with millions of problems. Well, here are a few of the things that I appreciate about Abiy’s government:

    1). Ref: The Ethiopia Abiy took over [59% GDP Debt]: [ youtu.be/upKEL9wQvrY?t=1200 ]

    2). (i). IMF [8% Growth]: [ youtu.be/SJBVcbtzS3A ]
    (ii). UNWFP [10% Growth]: [ youtu.be/MFHaKycK4P0?t=27 ]

    3). Aliko Dangoté: “Africans are Proud of You!” [ youtu.be/QAAWPrulVIE ]

    4). Abiy in 2017: [ youtu.be/r-oPVbKTRpM?t=1 ]

    5). Ethiopia in the eyes of African Broadcasters: [ youtu.be/K26Yc45TtPc?t=2 ]

    6). Abiy as TPLF’s Prisoner PM from Day-1: [ youtu.be/Pg3WuF1eXww?t=5 ]

  3. The Somalis I have encountered during my travels and brief stay there are proud individuals who are not hesitant to express their opinions, rectify misunderstandings, and condemn evil people like Abiy Ahmed. Among them, I have not come across anyone like Mohamud A. Ahmed, who applauds Abiy despite the hardships faced by ordinary Amharas who work hard in farming and small businesses in urban areas, individuals who are not politically aligned. I trust that Somali elites have a different viewpoint from Mohamud A. Ahmed, who should be held accountable for minimizing the plight of the Amhara community and praising Abiy Ahmed.

  4. His Excellency. PM. Abiye, as a Catalyst for Prosperity exemplifies the principles of innovative leadership and community empowerment, driving initiatives that bridge economic gaps and foster sustainable development. His visionary policies prioritize industrialization, infrastructural growth, and technological advancement, creating an environment where collaboration and entrepreneurship thrive. By leveraging local resources and promoting strategic partnerships, King Abiye not only enhances the livelihood of his people but also positions his kingdom as a burgeoning hub for commerce and cultural exchange, making him a pivotal figure in the pursuit of prosperity. Prof. Ahmed said enough and we strongly agree with his views. It is not an obligatory commandment to have all of you on our lines. A single letter can be differently read by many and so is our to our opinions and feeling. Your reflection reminds me of an old adage that goes like, “One man’s meat is another man’s poison”. You can proudly eat uncooked meat while it is an abhorrent and disgusting to a 100yrs old man from Hararge. You know where fits you well and it is unethical to be so judgemental and crazy about other’s understanding.

  5. Strange Bed ‘Fellers’:

    TPLF 2020: After massacring the Ethiopian Northern Command soldiers in their sleep, TPLF committed Amara Genocide at May-Kadra [massacred ≥600 Amaras in a day].

    It is only Anti-Amaras in Amara Clothing [Wolves in Sheep’s Clothing] who present TPLF/Tigray & EPLF/Eritrea as Amaras’ Allies. What a shame & travesty of justice!

    To add insult to the Derg’s 17-year injury, Egypt’s Proxy Secessionists [TPLF/Tigray & EPLF/Eritrea] invaded-and-occupied Ethiopia in 1991 and their First Target was Amaras.

    TPLF & EPLF portrayed Amaras as Evil and the source of Ethiopia’s Ills. This triggered Ethiopia-wide Anti-Amara sentiment and led to Amara Genocide in some Oromo Zones.

    Dr. Asrat Woldeyes & Co. would turn in their graves when some paying lip-service to their Amara Activism side with the TPLF & EPLF who forced Amaras to flee Ethiopia.

    The TPLF-EPLF Thugs Duo co-terrorized & co-looted Ethiopia just to go at each other’s throats over the lion’s share of the loot by faking the bloody Badme War [1998-2000].

  6. Abiy Ahmed is a fiasco and has wiped out all the economic gains, peace and stability the EPRDF government had achieved.
    He adventured in Tigray and was kicked out after losing almost all his forces there. He underestimated the Amhara forces and promised to disarm them in a couple of weeks. He is bogged there and losing his forces. As a distraction from his fiasco, he came up with another illusion, war with Eritrea. His blunders seem never ending. But Tigray is committed to defending and securing Oromia which is its gift to the Oromo people.

  7. On the “Reformist” Label: Prime Minister Abiy initiated significant reforms upon taking office in 2018, including ending the 20-year conflict with Eritrea, for which he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. He also lifted a state of emergency, freed political prisoners, and legalized opposition groups. While the subsequent conflicts have severely marred this legacy, the initial reforms were widely acknowledged by the international community.
    On Accusations of Atrocities: The conflicts in Tigray, Amhara, and Oromia are immensely complex, involving multiple state and non-state actors. While human rights abuses by all sides are documented by groups like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, attributing sole responsibility for “genocide” or being a “killer” to the Prime Minister oversimplifies a multi-faceted civil war and ignores the actions of regional forces and militias.
    On the Humanitarian Crisis: The Ethiopian government has engaged with international aid agencies, though access has been a point of contention. The food insecurity crisis is also heavily exacerbated by a severe and recurring drought affecting the Horn of Africa, a climatic factor beyond the control of any single administration.
    On Ongoing Conflicts: The government characterizes the conflicts in Amhara and Oromia as necessary law-and-order operations against insurgent groups it designates as terrorists, who have also been accused of committing massacres and destabilizing the state.
    In summary, while Ethiopia faces profound challenges, the government’s narrative is that it is navigating an extraordinarily difficult transition, combating armed insurrections, and working to maintain the sovereignty of the state against powerful internal and external forces. The situation requires a nuanced analysis that the original article’s polemic fails to provide.

    • Before anything else, it is necessary to develop our problem identification capabilities. Your reply to this article and Kebour Ghenna’s article are lazy.

  8. This is for Brother Mohamud A. Ahmed.

    Dear Brother Mohamud A. Ahmed

    I have been reading the articles you posted on this esteemed website and I found them to be insightful and intuitive. Please continue gracing us with your independent and useful opinion about what you see being on the spot inside that gem of the colored. Please do not pay attention to detractors who mumble and jumble from their comfy homes thousands of miles away from the actions of it all. These are not just critics but run-of-the-mill and beyond-repair bigots. For them there are people who can think(only those who they take as their own) and people who can’t. Keep plugging away, brother!!!

    Blessings to you and your family.

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