Response to The Sentry’s Report on Alleged Eritrean Abuses in Tigray
Makonnen G
I am writing to respond to the recent report published by The Sentry concerning alleged war crimes and economic looting committed by the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) during the conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. While such serious allegations deserve thorough investigation, your report includes claims so implausible and inconsistent with history, culture, and logistics that they seriously undermine the credibility of your institution and appear politically motivated.
The report attributes over 74% of war crimes in Tigray to the Eritrean army, despite the fact that Eritrean forces were vastly outnumbered by the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF)—perhaps by a factor of ten. Such disproportionality is not only statistically suspicious; it suggests a deliberate narrative bias. The Eritrean military simply did not have the numbers or regional control to commit the majority of crimes attributed to them.
Multiple independent Ethiopian and even Tigrian journalists have reported that some women were offered up to 2500 Ethiopian birr to falsely claim that they were raped by Eritrean soldiers. Most of these individuals were not civilians, students, or teachers, but rather TPLF actors or sex workers, whose claims appear politically choreographed.
One woman named Veronica who was actually wounded in the conflict has gone on record stating that it was Eritrean soldiers who rescued her and brought her to a hospital for treatment—directly contradicting the one-sided narrative presented in your report.
Equally disturbing is the utterly implausible claim that Eritrean commanders selected HIV-infected soldiers to rape women in Tigray. How could this be logistically verified or carried out during wartime? And to what end? This is not only biologically reckless and strategically nonsensical, but it reads like pure propaganda meant to incite rage. It reflects a dangerous trend: trading truth for shock value.
. “I Was Ordered to Do Worse” — A Scripted Fantasy
The report includes a quote allegedly from an Eritrean soldier who says, “My commanders ordered me to do worse things than I’ve done.” This statement feels crafted to demonize the leadership rather than reflect a real confession. It serves no investigative value and instead functions as a dramatic sound bite, undermining journalistic integrity.
. Cultural Implausibility of Gang Rape Claims
Eritrean and Ethiopian societies are deeply conservative, especially concerning sexuality and public morality. Acts such as gang rape, or any form of public or group sexual violence, are not just legally punishable—they are unthinkable and deeply taboo. To accuse entire military units of participating in such acts not only stretches credibility—it is a deliberate assault on the values of societies that do not even tolerate casual expressions of sexual behavior in public life.
. Logistical Absurdity of Factory Dismantling Claims
Your report also claims that the Eritrean army dismantled entire factories in Tigray and transported them back to Eritrea. This claim is not just exaggerated—it is technically and logistically absurd.
Factories are not like tents that can be packed up and moved overnight. They are complex systems: with embedded machinery, underground piping, electrical and ventilation systems running through walls and ceilings, and components that require careful labeling, instruction manuals, and specialized tools. Even trained engineers require weeks or months to dismantle a functioning factory for reuse. Eritrean troops—portrayed by your report as undisciplined and brutal—are somehow also portrayed as having the time, training, and tools to disassemble and transport entire industrial facilities? It is a contradiction so glaring that it undermines your report’s entire narrative.
By the way, even during Eritrea’s liberation struggle, false rumors circulated that Ethiopia had dismantled Eritrean factories and moved them south. These were later proven false and served primarily as political motivation tools. Your report repeats that same unfounded myth—only this time in reverse.
. A Manufactured Narrative for War?
Taken together, the structure of this report seems less like an investigation and more like a carefully orchestrated narrative. A narrative that paints Eritrea as barbaric and villainous, while conveniently minimizing the actions of Ethiopia’s federal forces. This is especially troubling in light of reports that the Abiy Ahmed government is preparing for renewed conflict, potentially targeting Eritrea directly. Your report may be serving as ideological cover for future aggression.
– In Conclusion
If The Sentry and other international institutions truly care about justice, they must pursue independent, balanced investigations, not ready-made conclusions rooted in hearsay, political alliances, or emotional manipulation. Truth cannot be established through exaggeration, bribery, or one-sided storytelling.
I urge you to re-examine your sources, your motives, and your responsibility to uphold academic integrity—especially when your words have the power to inflame or prevent another devastating war.
Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
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We’re familiar with this script. Eritrean disinformation campaign is on once again. The more Isaias abuses Eritreans, the harder they work to keep him in place. Bizarre. Almost like finding joy from the pain of a diminished life.
Dismantling a whole factory during war is nearly impossible. It takes too much time, tools, and skilled people. You can’t just pack machines and carry them like boxes—some are huge and need weeks to take apart. Moving them safely needs trucks, fuel, and protection. During war, that’s not realistic. The machines are only 20% of the factory. There are systems, software and supply lines that are inseparably connected, making it impossible to work one without the other. It’s easier to destroy a factory than to steal it.