Strengthening the Shewa Fano Front: The Fastest Path to Victory

Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com     

By Mekuria 

It has now been nearly two years since Abiy Ahmed launched his war against the Amhara people. From the infamous boast—“We will dislodge your pants and belts in two weeks”—voiced by Abiy Ahmed, Berhanu Jula, and Abebaw Tadesse, the conflict has evolved into something far beyond what they had anticipated.

In response, a spontaneously rising Fano movement across the four provinces of Amhara has grown stronger, both in numbers and military capability. These Fano forces have successfully disarmed federal troops and proven themselves a formidable force—one not to be dismissed. However, this remarkable achievement has not come without challenges. When the resistance began, Fano groups acted with unity and purpose. There were no internal disputes, no infighting. They advanced together, even approaching the capture of Bahir Dar—the seat of the Amhara regional administration—and Gonder, the region’s second most significant city.

But as the struggle advanced, power-hungry elements began to emerge within the leadership. These individuals became obsessed with dominating or absorbing other Fano groups—particularly in the provinces of Gojam, Wollo, and Gonder. This infighting is not rooted in ideological disagreement or competing visions for the future of Amhara; it is driven purely by ambition and the thirst for power. Let it be clear: the ordinary Fano fighters on the ground remain committed, disciplined, honest and are not hostile to other Fanos. They continue to risk their lives in defense of their people. The real source of division lies not with them, but with leaders who have allowed ego and personal ambition to override the unity and purpose of the Fano movement.

The Gonder Fano faction, led by Baye Kenaw and Habte Woldie, appears more intent on consolidating regional power than on liberating the Amhara people. Unlike Dereje Belay, deputy leader of the AFPO, they exhibit little tolerance or inclusivity toward other Fano groups operating in their region. Their behavior resembles a territorial struggle—more akin to animals guarding land than a united liberation front. Their alliance with Gojam Fano and the broader Amara Fano National Force (AFNF) seems primarily aimed at eliminating rival Fano factions within Gonder. Yet Gonder’s political elites remain strikingly silent, failing to condemn these divisive tactics. Instead of fostering unity among the Gonder Fano and strategically leveraging the vast gold resources in Wolkait, Telemt, and Tegede—regions currently being exploited by the TPLF in the Tekezé corridor—Baye Kenaw and Habte Woldie have taken a narrow and shortsighted path. Rather than building solidarity with their Gonder brothers for the broader success of the Fano movement, they’ve allowed themselves to become entangled in internal disputes. Even more concerning is their support for Zemene’s authoritarian aspirations—an alignment that is both surprising and deeply disappointing. Allowing personal ambition to override the collective mission is a grave misstep. They have failed to harness Gonder’s strategic position and its resource potential—especially the gold deposits near the Tekezé—for the benefit of the wider movement. In a time when unity, strategy, and resourcefulness are essential, this kind of leadership failure is not just unfortunate—it’s dangerous.

In Gojam, the trio of Zemene Kasse, Asres Mare, and Shaleqa Zinabu Yingere seeks to dominate the Fano leadership—or potentially break away from the AFNF altogether. Leaked phone conversations have made this clear. Their internal power grab has paralyzed the organization, which remains unable to elect basic leadership roles such as chairperson, secretary, or treasurer. This failure undermines the foundational principle of collective leadership, which depends on democratic practice and consensus-building. Rather than advancing a strategic vision for the Amhara cause, Gojam’s leadership appears more concerned with maintaining control over the Fano movement through a system of cliques throughout Gojam. They are trying to get a network of influence in Shewa, where figures like Abdella Idris and Desalegn Siyasib Shewa operate under the heavy influence of Girma Kassa, a U.S.-based Oromo political actor. The irony is stark: while claiming to fight for Amhara autonomy and dignity, the movement’s direction is being shaped by external interests and unaccountable networks. This not only undermines the movement’s legitimacy—it endangers its future.

To the supporters of Zemene Kasse, especially among the Gojam elites, let us take a moment to examine the timeline. Following his release, Zemene did not immediately join the Fano resistance. Instead, he remained in his apartment in Kebele 14 of Bahir Dar. Despite repeated warnings to leave the city to avoid the risk of re-arrest, he chose to stay—explaining that during his previous time in the jungle, leading a clandestine movement, he had been reduced to begging farmers for injera, and he was unwilling to return to that life again. It was only when Fano forces reached the gates of Bahir Dar and government troops began firing near his location that he became involved. This sequence of events is telling. It clearly shows that Zemene was not part of the early organizing, planning, or frontline engagement that defined the most critical and dangerous phases of the Fano movement. He made no notable strategic or operational contributions during that Fano foundational period. Therefore, the question must be asked: on what basis does someone who was largely absent during those defining moments now claim—or is being positioned for—a leadership role over the entire Amhara Fano movement? Most importantly, Zemene’s ambition for power, coupled with his attempts to undermine Shewa’s pivotal role in Ethiopian resistance history, disqualify him from any legitimate claim to pan-Amhara leadership. Zemene’s leadership role should not be elevated above the Fano movement itself. The struggle for the rights, freedom, and survival of the Amhara people is far more important than the ambitions of any one individual. It’s time we move away from this outdated and regressive thinking that centers movements around personalities rather than principles and collective purpose.

In Wollo, Mirie Wodajo and Abebe Fentew are more concerned with marginalizing Colonel Fantahun Muhaba than with responding to the displacement of 70,000 Amharas in Raya by TPLF militias. As with their counterparts in Gonder and Gojam, they lack a coherent roadmap for liberation and are embroiled in personal and political rivalries. The so-called “Fano gang of eight” exemplifies political weakness, particularly in its refusal to engage in peace negotiations—a step that could legitimize their cause and attract international support. History reminds us: the TPLF gained global recognition only after entering peace talks in Rome and London, paving the way to their takeover of Addis Ababa in 1991.

Neither the Gojam elite nor the Wollo elite has critically examined the damage caused by Zemene Kasse and Mirie Wodajo to Fano unity. This disunity does not stem from ideological differences, but rather from power-driven, self-serving political agendas. Rather than confronting this reality, these elites cling to a parochial, region-first mentality—an “either my region or nothing” approach that continues to obstruct any broader, strategic path to victory.

In this fragmented and visionless leadership landscape, the Shewa front emerges as the most viable path to dethroning Abiy Ahmed. One leader stands out: Meketa Mamo. Resilient and respected, he has consistently demonstrated unwavering resolve since the government-backed destruction of Ataye and Shewa Robit by extremist Oromo forces. With strong grassroots support and strategic guidance from other comrades from AFPO, Meketa Mamo represents a disciplined, principled, and unifying force in Shewa.

In stark contrast, Abedella Idris’ and Desalegn Siyasibe Shewa’s loyalty to Zemene Kasse—who has gone so far as to claim that Gojam has suffered 94 years of oppression – implying since the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie in 1923 E.C.—renders him unfit to represent Shewa’s interests. Even worse, Desalegn and Abdella are influenced by Oromos such as Girma Kassa and Zemedkun Bekele, whose crocodile tears for the Amhara cause lack credibility and depth.

Some in Gojam, Gonder, and Wollo may underestimate Shewa’s potential due to perceived demographic or geographic assumptions. But Shewa has both the manpower and the strategic leverage to lead this resistance—especially if it can mobilize all Amharas in Shea and Amharas rooted in Arsi, Harar, Bale, Addis Ababa, and beyond. Shewa’s history of uniting diverse groups offers a crucial strategic advantage in today’s struggle. If the Shewa Amhara Fano, under the leadership of Meketa Mamo, joins forces with authentic Shewa Oromo Fano groups—reviving the spirit of the historic Amhara-Oromo alliance that defeated Fascist Italy—they could form a powerful and unified front. Further reinforcement from South Wollo Fano units, along with committed allies from the Afar region, would only strengthen this coalition. Such a united force represents the fastest and most reliable path to victory—both militarily and politically. Unity rooted in shared struggle and historical precedent is our greatest weapon. Now is the time to act on it.

To realize this potential, the diaspora must shift its focus toward strengthening the Shewa front. Given the current leadership crisis in Gojam, broader Amhara unity is unlikely under the status quo. The movement needs disciplined and visionary figures like the late Yohannes Alemayehu—leaders who never stooped to slander or division. While the bravery of many Gojam Fano fighters remains commendable, a controlling clique in Gojam has built a toxic and exclusionary structure that resists meaningful cooperation. Leaked phone calls of Zemene Kasse intimidating his own subordinates speak volumes about the current state of affairs.

For the Amhara struggle to succeed, a disciplined, inclusive, and visionary leadership must rise—starting from Shewa. Its proximity to the heart of Abiy Ahmed’s regime offers unmatched strategic leverage. A unified and capable Shewa-based Fano force could compel the government to negotiate—or face consequences.

Critically, the creation and support of Shewa Oromo Fano groups is indispensable. History has proven that Amhara–Oromo cooperation in Shewa can shift the national power balance. To harness this potential, a concrete, strategic plan must be developed to build meaningful alliances with forward-looking Oromo grassroots forces—unburdened by past grievances and committed to a shared vision of justice, federal equality, and mutual respect. A coalition anchored in Shewa and reinforced by support from South Wollo and the Afar region could become a potent and unified force—capable not just of challenging Abiy Ahmed’s regime, but of bringing it to a swift and decisive end, and restoring dignity, freedom, and self-determination to the people of Ethiopia.

Conclusions

At this stage in the Amhara liberation struggle, it is clear that the Gojam, Gonder, and Wollo Fano factions, led by Zemene Kassie and Asres Mare, Habte woldie and Baye Kenaw, and Mirie Wedajo and Abebe Fentaw, Abdella Idris and Desalegn Siyasib Shewa of Gojam, Gonder, Wollo and Shewa,  respectively, have failed to offer the unity, vision, or strategic leadership needed to guide the movement forward. Their energy has been consumed by internal rivalries, power struggles, and regional competition—distracting from the greater mission of securing freedom, dignity, and survival for the Amhara people.

These divisions have weakened coordination and hindered the development of a coherent political or military strategy. While courageous fighters continue to sacrifice on the front lines, their efforts are being undermined by leadership obsessed with dominance rather than collaboration.

In contrast, the Shewa front—led by disciplined figures like Meketaw Mamo—presents a principled and unifying alternative. Meketaw has earned widespread respect for his integrity, refusal to engage in slander and divisive rhetoric, and unwavering commitment to the broader cause. His leadership reflects the maturity and clarity desperately needed in this moment.

Shewa holds a unique position in this struggle. Its geographic proximity to the regime’s core, deep grassroots support, and history of unifying diverse groups make it ideally placed to serve as the movement’s center of gravity. With strong coordination among Shewa Amhara Fano, Shewa Oromo allies, South Wollo units, and support from the Afar region, a powerful and inclusive coalition can be built.

To succeed, the diaspora must shift its support toward strengthening this Shewa-centered front. This is the path to credible resistance and long-term victory. The future of the Amhara struggle cannot depend on regional egos or personality cults. It must be guided by discipline, strategy, and unity. Shewa offers the clearest, fastest, and most credible path forward.

N.B. As I prepare to submit my article to Borkena, I came across an article titled “The Divide Among the Ethiopian Diaspora” by Taye Gobeze. Unfortunately, the piece misinforms both the author and the public by falsely claiming that Eskinder Nega traveled from the United States to join the Fano resistance movement. It also attempts to diminish Eskinder’s legitimacy in the struggle by stating that Zemene Kasse had long been resisting oppressive forces in the Amhara region before Eskinder “set foot there,” implying that Eskinder has no right to fight for Amhara.

First and foremost, Eskinder Nega is a resident of Ethiopia and has been based there for years. He left his leadership role in the Balderas party in August 2022 to join the resistance in Shewa. Zemene Kasse, on the other hand, had been on the run since April 2022 due to pending legal cases stemming from events in Bahir Dar in 2016. He was eventually arrested in Bahir Dar in September 2022. Parliamentarian Christian Tadele later demanded Zemene’s release, citing that he had returned as part of a negotiated settlement for reconciliation and amnesty. In February 2023, Eskinder reemerged in Bure, where he was apprehended by the Amhara regional police and was in the process of being handed over to federal authorities. However, youth in Dejen blocked the road, demanding his release. The police then took him to Bahir Dar, where similar demands from the local youth continued. Eskinder was released after two days.

Eskinder’s presence and leadership within the resistance played a significant role in building momentum for the Fano movement and in the eventual release of Zemene Kasse himself, who was freed in June 2023. The youth in Bahir Dar carried forward the momentum sparked by the Dejen youth’s defiant stand, continuing to pressure authorities until Zemene was released. This coordinated public resistance reflected the growing influence and organizational strength of the movement, much of which was galvanized by Eskinder’s involvement.

Taye Gobeze even attempts to mislead readers by portraying Eskinder as merely a pan-Ethiopianist, in contrast to Zemene Kasse, whom he labels an Amhara nationalist—conveniently ignoring Zemene’s own pan-Ethiopianist background, particularly his role as a military leader in Ginbot 7 while based in Eritrea. The irony in the face of the existential threat to the Amhara people is that some individuals seem to believe they are “more equal than others.” No one has a monopoly on sacrifice, and no individual is divinely chosen to define or lead this or that Fano group. The hypocrisy is glaring when those who remain at a distance try to dictate the direction of the Amhara struggle from the comfort of afar.

It is entirely within one’s right to withhold support for Eskinder—that’s a personal choice. But to label him this or that simply because he didn’t bow to Zemene or Mire Wodajo is the height of absurdity. Reducing a national struggle to personal loyalties and rivalries only weakens the unity needed to confront the real threat facing the Amhara people.

The division within the Fano movement is fundamentally between those who seek to impose dictatorship and those who believe the Amhara struggle for emancipation must be guided by democratic principles. The same reasons Eskinder rejected Abiy Ahmed’s authoritarianism also apply to his rejection of Zemene and his circle. As for me, while I believe the Amhara people are better off under confederation than under domination, I am not—and will never be—prepared to accept absolute warlordism as an alternative.

Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com      

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