Ethiopian Activists Graded Based on Their Track Records

By Mekuria 

Habte H.’s classification of Ethiopian activists, particularly in his article “Voices of Truth and Deceit: Ethiopia’s Journalists and Activists at a Crossroads,” inspired me to share my own perspective. His approach—grouping activists based on their day-to-day actions—is an interesting framework for understanding the shifting roles in Ethiopia’s political landscape.

There are a number of individuals who, in my view, have failed to meet the standards of principled political activism. Among them are Abebe Tola, Seyoum Teshome, Sisay Agena, and Desalegn Amedo,” The first two, both Oromo, appear to be driven more by ethnic loyalty than by a broader commitment to justice or the national interest. Personalities at Prime media and Bridge media can be added to this list. Desalegn, meanwhile, seems to have internalized the TPLF’s 27-year-long anti-Amhara propaganda and has been unable to move past it. Sisay Agena, though known for his long-standing opposition to the TPLF—stemming from his experience as a former member of the Derg’s armed forces—appears to harbor a deep-seated resentment toward the perceived dominance of Amharas, which has led him to align with the Oromo narrative. For those of us familiar with Assefa Chabo’s history during the Derg era, it is evident that both Sisay Agena and Desalegn Amedo exhibit signs of what can be described as the ‘Assefa Chabo syndrome.’ Habte accurately classifies this group as “Self-Serving Opportunists and Enablers of Dictatorship”—a label I fully agree with. They do not deserve a place on any grading list; there is no letter in the alphabet low enough to rate them.

I also concur with Habte’s categorization of Zemedkun Bekele, Ermias Legesse, Yoni Magna, and Deru Zeharu under the label “Politically and Mentally Unstable.” These individuals appear to capitalize on events purely for personal gain, with no stable moral or ideological grounding. Their positions fluctuate depending on the political winds. While Ermias Legesse could also fall under the “Defectors” category, I strongly disagree with Habte’s inclusion of Habtamu Ayalew in that group. Such a characterization is not only inaccurate but ethically problematic, given Habtamu’s consistent and well-documented commitment to truth and justice. I will elaborate further on this point later.

Regarding the group Habte labels as “Ethnic Extremists,” there is little left to analyze—these individuals have made their intentions loud and clear. The concern, rather, is our collective failure to take them seriously and formulate strategies in response. Figures like Stalin, Tsegaye Ararsa and his colleagues at Kush Media are typical examples. The OPDO-PP faction should also be added here, as they openly declare their aspirations through everyday activism. 

Ethno-Centric Strategists: Subtle Yet Concerning

A more subtle but equally concerning category is what Habte refers to as “Ethno-Centric Strategists.” Though they often present themselves as centrists or national figures, their rhetoric and objectives are still deeply rooted in ethnocentric agendas. Habte identifies Jawar Mohammed, Tewodros Tsegaye, and Daniel Berhane in this group. To that list, I would add Alula Solomon.

According to Habte, these individuals possess large followings and demonstrate remarkable rhetorical and intellectual skill. However, beneath the surface, they function not unlike overt ethnonationalists. Their approach is simply more calculated and polished.

Consider, for example, certain Tigrayan ethno-centric strategists who are now positioning themselves as pragmatic allies of Getachew Reda. Their strategy appears to be one of appeasement—demonstrating goodwill toward Abiy Ahmed in the hope of reclaiming territorial claims over Welkayit and Raya, often referred to as the “40% of Tigray.” While they now dismiss the TPLF as a spent political force—despite its past mandate of 2.7 million votes—they conveniently overlook their own role in enabling and legitimizing that same organization. Figures such as Alula Solomon and Daniel Berhane played a key part in shaping public narratives that helped justify Debretsion Gebremichael’s decision to wage war against the federal government—a war that proved disastrous for the country and its people.These strategists may cloak their intentions in intellectual discourse and political moderation, but their long-term goals remain ethnocentric. Their influence, while less abrasive than that of hardline activists, is no less dangerous for Ethiopia’s future.

Jawar Mohammed may have changed course, and while Amharas should remain vigilant, there is no need to overly critique someone who is now openly challenging Abiy Ahmed. His current trajectory is not our central concern.

Where I most strongly disagree with Habte is in his mislabeling of Bruk Yibas, Eyerusalem Tekletsadik, and Abebe Belew (mistakenly referred to as “Abebe Tola”) under the category “Misguided Patriots” or “Misdirected Actors”—those operating in a so-called “grey zone,” perhaps due to limited understanding or pressure to remain relevant. This is a serious misjudgment. These individuals have played key roles in informing and mobilizing the public during critical moments in Ethiopia’s recent history, especially concerning the Amhara resistance movement.

Finally, I propose an additional layer to Habte’s classification: Regional Activists. A typical example is Asaye Derbie, whose activism is largely shaped by local loyalties and regional biases, often at the expense of broader national unity. His approach reflects a narrow, region-first mentality rather than a principled pursuit of justice or democracy. Girma Kassa of Wamera Media can also be loosely associated with this group, despite being ethnically Oromo. His narratives often align with regionally driven agendas, placing him—at least in spirit—within this category.

Going forward, I aim to evaluate activists based solely on their public records and actions, free from personal bias, allegiance, or ambition. Objective and honest assessment is essential if we are to build a credible and principled movement.

Let me begin my reflection with those whom Habte has labeled as True Patriots. I agree with his positive classification of journalists from EMS—Wendmagegn Gashu, Petros Mesfin, and Fasil Yenealem—as well as Mesay Mekonnen from Anchor Media and Dereje Habtewold from Maede Zena. These individuals have demonstrated good intentions and a clear pan-Ethiopian orientation. I have no reason to question their Ethiopian nationalism.

However, I hesitate to fully endorse Habte’s description of them as “Patriots of Truth.” This is not because they aren’t speaking the truth now, but because their past actions, when scrutinized, reveal moments of silence or complicity at critical junctures. True patriotism should withstand the test of time and consistency.

In contrast, I believe Belay Manaye and Belete Kassa truly deserve this title. Their unwavering stance and commitment have earned them that recognition.

On the other hand, Reyot Alemu and Teborne Beyene (የአሰፋ ጫቦ አድናቂዎች) have remained largely on the sidelines. Whatever good reputations they once had, particularly from their time at Ethio 360, were diminished when they chose to walk away. Their past emotional appeals—even shedding tears in support of Abiy Ahmed’s army—now stand in stark contrast to the reality on the ground, and cannot be overlooked.

Habte overlooks ESAT/EMS media records from 2018 to the end of 2023. During that period, these figures served as enablers of Abiy Ahmed’s tyranny. Despite fierce opposition from Ethiopians who saw Abiy’s true nature early on, these journalists helped shape public opinion in his favor — a key factor in his consolidation of power.

Ethio 360 and then ESAT/EMS stood at opposing extremes — one throwing unconditional support behind Abiy, the other harshly criticizing him. Dereje Habtewold, to his credit, never publicly attacked Ethio 360 despite his pro-Abiy stance at the time.

Mesay Mekonnen left EMS, as a supporter of Abiy Ahmed,  earlier than most, showing some early awareness of the OPDO-PP agenda. However, he hesitated to speak out and only publicly opposed Abiy Ahmed in late 2022. This delay reflects a form of political cowardice that still lingers. For instance, when the so-called ‘Fano Gang of Eight’ released a statement denouncing Afhad (አፋህድ) as an insider for the Abiy regime—labeling him an enemy no less dangerous than Abiy Ahmed himself—Mesay failed to challenge or critically engage with their claim. Just a week ago, during an interview with Asres Mare, he asked if the new organization (AFNF) planned to cooperate with Afhad (አፋህድ). Asres’ vague response, “Simun yeterahew dirjit an Amharic  tseyaf anegager(ጸያፍ አነጋግር),” should have prompted tougher questioning — but Mesay let it slide. This is not to dismiss Mesay’s energetic work in mobilizing the Amhara movement. I rate Mesay a B overall.

Among the journalists, Dereje Habtewold stands out as the most reformed. I would give him a B+. Dereje adopts a balanced and thoughtful approach in disseminating information and consistently demonstrates the courage to call a spade a spade when the moment of truth arrives.

 The journalists at EMS, however, remained largely opportunistic throughout their support of Abiy Ahmed. As late as 2023, Fasil Yenealem was still insisting that Fano should disarm, arguing that the monopoly of violence belongs to the state. He even published an essay articulating this view and narrated it on EMS. While this reflects a basic understanding of political science, it reveals a fundamental disconnect: when the government itself is despotic, that theory becomes dangerous. Fasil’s stance caused considerable harm to the Fano movement — though he ultimately shifted positions and now supports Fano. It is deeply disappointing when Amharas like Fasil provide rhetorical ammunition to Oromo nationalist forces led by Abiy Ahmed.

Fortunately, these figures seem to have come to their senses and are now actively working to expose Abiy’s regime. Still, based on their overall trajectory, I assign them a collective grade of C.

I began listening to the London-based Zewdu Show after the rise of the Fano movement, and it has quickly become one of my go-to sources. Zewdu does an excellent job presenting timely and relevant commentary without engaging in the kind of divisive rhetoric that risks fueling internal conflicts among Fano supporters. His reporting is delivered with conviction and energy, often serving as a morale booster for Fano fighters on the ground.

In recent months, #ZewduShow has gained significant popularity thanks to its insightful content and engaging discussions. Zewdu’s ability to balance passion with reason positions his platform as one of the more responsible and inspiring voices in today’s media landscape. Although I am not familiar with his past, based on his current performance, I would grade Zewdu a solid B.

Asaye Derbie – A Fringe Regionalist and Amhara-Only Activist with big lies

Asaye Derbie has become known for his deceitful tendencies, frequently spreading falsehoods and unfounded rumors—often with the flair of a gossiping elder at a traditional gathering like a Coffee Ceremony. He is particularly skilled (ልብወለድ ታሪክ ደራሲ በመሆኑ) at crafting fictional narratives designed to mislead his audience, especially in the realm of political activism. One of his most egregious fabrications was the baseless claim that Eskinder Nega was living in a mansion in Sidist Kilo under the protection of Abiy Ahmed’s soldiers and that the two were engaged in secret negotiations. He went so far as to claim that both Eskinder and Meketaw attended the wedding of Shume Abdeta’s daughter. This type of unfounded rumor-mongering is not only unethical but also deeply unbecoming of someone who claims to stand for Amhara interests.

Initially, Asaye admired Eskinder for his integrity and steadfast leadership of Balderas. However, when Eskinder shifted to openly challenging Abiy Ahmed through armed resistance, Asaye’s stance abruptly changed. His new posture was less about principle and more about regional loyalty. Influenced by members of the International Fano Coordinating Committee (IFCC)—particularly those from Wello and Gojam—Asaye adopted a narrow, exclusionary mindset. In this worldview, anyone outside the so-called “traditional” Amhara regions is not seen as a legitimate Amhara. This regressive thinking led Asaye and his allies to launch smear campaigns against Eskinder and his associates, including Habtamu Ayalew. Regrettably, Asaye Derbie has expressed admiration for Stalin, viewing him as more “pro-Amhara but Tigrayan” than Habtamu Ayalew—a well-known and consistent defender of the Amhara people. This is despite the fact that Stalin has been one of the main narrators promoting the idea that Western Tigray (Wolkayit)—a historically Amhara land—belongs to Tigray. Rather than support principled leadership in Amhara Fano, Asaye favors and promotes figures who resemble 18th-century warlords—regardless of their  moral clarity.

In one of his own public accounts, Asaye recalled an encounter with Eskinder Nega at Arat Kilo Square. After greeting each other, Asaye questioned Eskinder’s decision to become a politician rather than continue in journalism, which he had done so effectively. Eskinder’s reply was sharp and principled: “There are plenty of people who can do journalism, including you. But the real problem in Ethiopia is the lack of genuine opposition parties.” According to Asaye, he had no further words to add, and the two parted ways. This simple exchange stands in stark contrast to Asaye’s ongoing attempts to discredit serious political actors with baseless attacks.

Furthermore, Asaye’s own actions reflect a glaring contradiction. Rather than joining the Fano resistance, despite being physically capable, he fled Ethiopia wearing traditional Arab clothing—abandoning his family and choosing the comfort of exile over the risks of frontline struggle. This act of evasion reveals much about his priorities and character. አብይም ይዋሻል እንላለን የአሳየ ውሸት ግን ወደር የለውም።

Considering his limited contributions—mainly a few attempts to expose Abiy Ahmed—and the significant damage he has caused by fostering division among Fano ranks, I give Asaye Derbie a D-. Without those few instances of truth-telling, his score would be a complete F for his failure to genuinely advance the Fano cause.

Girma Kassa: A Subtle but Destructive Force

Girma Kassa presents himself as more sophisticated than Asaye. He blends a soft-spoken demeanor with a relentless willingness to distort the truth. His primary goal appears to be discrediting the Shewa Fano movement, with the hope of driving a wedge between Meketaw and the Shewan Amharas. His actions reflect a broader ambition: to create space for individuals and factions hostile to Shewa. 

Girma’s narrative poses a serious threat to the leaders of the Shewa Fano movement, echoing a dangerous trend of internal sabotage and manufactured distrust. His rhetoric risks fueling division and instability at a time when unity is most critical for the movement. Were it not for the patience and principled leadership of Meketaw Mamo, Girma’s continued interference in the internal affairs of the Shewa Fano could have already led to catastrophic consequences.

In short, despite his calculated approach, Girma’s impact has been overwhelmingly negative. He has achieved nothing of substance other than fueling internal conflict within the Shewa region. For this reason, I give him an overall grade of F.

There are widespread rumors that the person supporting Girma Kassa and giving him a platform on Mereja is Elias Kifle. Elias has a long record of divisive behavior in Ethiopian politics. He was known for his hostility toward the late Engineer Hailu Shawel, then-chairman of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD). At the time, Elias aligned himself with Bertukan Mideksa and the controversial Berhanu Nega, who eventually splintered off from the party that Hailu once led.

This history suggests a consistent pattern: backing divisive figures while undermining principled leadership. Girma Kassa seems to be the latest beneficiary of this strategy—one that threatens unity at a time when cohesion is most needed. While valuable information and genuine support are welcome from individuals of any ethnic background, divisive rhetoric—such as that promoted by Girma Kassa—should be firmly rejected by any Amhara. Such harmful and baseless efforts to sow discord must not be encouraged or rewarded.

Habtamu Ayalew: A True Patriot Who Speaks Truth to Power

What surprised me most in Habte’s classification was the labeling of Habtamu Ayalew as an extremist and unstable activist. On the contrary, Habtamu’s track record is both clear and consistent—from his early days with the Andinet Party, to his work at ESAT, and later as a co-founder of Ethio 360.

While many were still cheering on Abiy Ahmed, Habtamu—alongside colleagues like Eyerusalem Tekletsadik, Minalachew Simachew, and Bruk Yibas—took a courageous and principled stand. They exposed critical information that shook the nation: rampant embezzlement at the National and Commercial Bank of Ethiopia, sinister motives within OPDO revealed through leaked internal documents, demographic engineering schemes in Addis Ababa, and, most consequentially, the planned disarming of the Amhara Special Forces.

These revelations not only shifted the political narrative but directly contributed to the survival and rise of the Fano movement. Habtamu’s principled journalism played a key role in turning public opinion against the Amhara regional government, which had been complicit in Abiy Ahmed’s campaign against Fano fighters.

Habtamu has also shown a rare ability to anticipate political developments. When Tigray was under drone bombardment, he famously warned that those who believed Abiy would not do the same to Amharas were dangerously naïve. That warning, issued two years before the Pretoria Agreement, proved tragically prophetic.

What sets Habtamu apart is his uncompromising stance against deception and authoritarianism. He has never hesitated to challenge even powerful figures within the Fano movement itself—including the so-called “Fano Gang of Eight”: Zemene Kassie, Asres Mare, Marshet Tsehaye, Mirie Wedajo, Abebe Fentaw, Abdella Edris, Baye Kenaw, and Yohannes Negussu. Habtamu consistently opposes dictatorial tendencies, no matter where they arise, and his fierce independence has earned both admiration and attacks. Yet, none of the labels thrown at him have stuck—his integrity is simply too evident.

Without Habtamu Ayalew and his colleagues at Ethio 360 and Addis Dimts—including Abebe Belew (mistakenly referred to as “Abebe Tola” in Habte’s earlier assessment)—the Amhara uprising of April 2023 would not have come to light. Their courage and commitment to truth played a decisive role in exposing the authoritarian drift of Abiy Ahmed’s regime.

For this, I award Ethio 360 and Addis Dimts an A on my activist grading scale. On a personal level, Habtamu Ayalew earns an A+ for his unwavering fight against tyranny and his consistent defense of democratic values.

If I had the authority to honor Ethiopian activists with monuments while they are still living, I would place a statue of Habtamu Ayalew in Addis Ababa as a symbol of courage and truth-telling.

Abebe Belew

What can I say about Abebe Belew? He is one of the most articulate voices in the Ethiopian media landscape—measured in speech, precise in analysis, and yet explosive in impact when needed. His commentary is often laced with wisdom, delivered in a humble and thoughtful manner that sets him apart. Abebe Belew has a unique ability to explain complex events with clarity, never wasting words, always focused on substance.

What also defines Abebe Belew is his reconciliatory tone—a reflection of his deep concern for unity and his desire to prevent divisions within the broader Amhara movement. Yet, his commitment to the cause remains unwavering.

A powerful example of Abebe’s clarity and conviction can be seen in a debate held on Addisu Media between him and Gizaw Legesse of EMS Media. In that exchange, Abebe laid bare the destructive path Abiy Ahmed has taken the country on, while Gizaw, remarkably, still expressed hope in the very leader many now recognize as a despot. Abebe’s arguments were not only persuasive but delivered with the depth and patience of someone who understands the stakes. In short, Abebe Belew stands as a voice of reason and resistance—principled, poised, and profoundly committed to truth.

Defectors

This group of activists includes Ermias Legesse, Selomon Shumiye, and more recently, Tewodros Asfaw—who has assumed a role reminiscent of Lidetu Ayalew in promoting the Tigray cause. Now living in exile in Uganda, Tewodros has increasingly aligned himself with Abiy Ahmed’s erratic and destructive vision for Ethiopia. His recent commentary suggests a troubling shift toward endorsing the very regime responsible for widespread suffering and injustice.

As for Ermias Legesse, his record is well known by now. There is little need for elaboration. However, should anyone require a deeper understanding of his role and betrayal, Habtamu Ayalew can provide a thorough account.

Selomon Shumiye, meanwhile, publicly criticized the Fano resistance, arguing that “only the Amhara on the ground are dying, not the elites.” This statement reflects a deeply shameful and defeatist mindset—implying that resistance is futile simply because the cost is high. But history has shown that submission does continue to face abductions, killings, displacement, and are even barred from entering, not guarantee survival. The reality is stark: Abiy Ahmed will not spare the Amhara, even if they yield. They are in Addis Ababa. The next phase—already in motion—is the mass eviction of Amharas from the capital, under the guise of “corridor development.” The same flimsy argument that Selomon used to criticize Fano—that it’s only the foot soldiers who are dying while the elites stay safe—applies even more accurately to Abiy Ahmed and the OPDO–PP elites in the war on Amhara. It is not these elites who are sacrificing their lives; it is the ordinary fighters who perish every day on the front lines. Meanwhile, the generals and political leaders enrich themselves, lining their pockets with foreign currency while blood is spilled. At the very least, no one can point to any Fano leader profiting from this struggle. Their fight is one of survival and resistance—not personal gain.

These so-called defectors have turned their backs on truth and justice at a critical moment. Their actions—and in many cases, their silence—are not just disappointing; they are dangerous. At a time when moral clarity and courage are desperately needed, they have chosen self-preservation and complicity over principle and resistance.

If you closely examine these defectors, you’ll notice that although they preach Ethiopianism, deep down their motives and positions are driven by their non-Amhara ethnic background or personal interests deeply embedded in their mindset. 

Conclusion

Nothing in history is stationary. Empires have risen and fallen; regimes have come and gone. Nothing is eternal—except the enduring value of truth. Siding with the truth, even when it is inconvenient or unpopular, is always the right path.

Those who enable and embolden dictators will ultimately face the consequences when the moment of truth arrives. Change is inevitable. Abiy Ahmed, like all authoritarian leaders before him, will not remain in power forever. The tide will turn—and when it does, history will remember where each of us stood.

Activists supporting the Amhara cause must realize that there is no victory to be gained by attacking one Fano leader in favor of another. This divisive and short-sighted tactic only weakens the movement. With such a flimsy approach, Zemene will not cross the Abay River, Mirie Wedajo will not reach Shewa by mischaracterizing other Fano leaders, and Baye Kenaw will not advance beyond South Gonder if they allow themselves to be swayed by frantic and opportunistic media activists.

Media activism that focuses on attacking Eskinder Nega, Meketaw Mamo  and Habtamu Ayalew does nothing to address the existential threats facing the Amhara people under Abiy Ahmed’s regime. On the contrary, such efforts only serve to weaken the movement from within. We should recall the spirit of unity that prevailed in late July and early August 2023, when Fano forces were on the verge of capturing Gondar and Bahir Dar. During those pivotal days, there was no infighting or division—Fano stood united, and their strength stemmed from solidarity, not internal blame games.

Disclaimer:

I am neither Eskinder Nega nor have I ever had any personal acquaintance with him. I also have no affiliation with Ethio 360, Addis Dimts, or any of their staff. My sole intention is to defend the truth and to speak out against dictatorial and divisive influences within the Fano movement and its diaspora supporters. My engagement in this discourse is rooted in a desire to promote evidence-based analysis, foster critical thinking, and challenge emotionally driven or baseless narratives surrounding matters of national significance. I am particularly concerned about how history will be recorded when the boundary between truth and fiction is increasingly blurred by activists.  

Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com           

  __

Subscribe  : https://borkena.com/subscribe-borkena/ 

Join our Telegram Channel : t.me/borkena

Like borkena on Facebook

Add your business to Ethiopian Business Listing / Ethiopian Business Directory  Business Listing Toronto 

Join the conversation. Follow us on X (Formerly Twitter)  @zborkena to get the latest Ethiopian News updates regularly.  Subscribe to YouTube channel To share information or for submission, send e-mail to info@borkena.com