The Three Evils Mindset of the Ethiopian Politicized Elite

By Knfu 

As I began writing this piece to share my take on the Ethiopian conundrum, I paused.  Something felt unfinished. So, I turned to the world’s largest library (Google) to place it in a  global frame: Is Ethiopia truly unique? Are our troubles the result of some cultural glitch or a  historical curse written just for us? Some want to believe so. 

But what I found made me hit the brakes. Apparently, the world is “at a crossroads” – a phrase  we’ve liked to toss around for decades now, often admonishing for approaching Armageddon.  According to Freedom House’s 2022 Freedom in the World report, authoritarianism is on the  rise in more than 60 countries. Racism and ethnic conflict are spreading like wildfire. Just  look around. 

So, with Ethiopian singularity out of the way, I started wondering: Is there a common  denominator here? And if so, are we looking at the prelude to the rise of Fascism and World  War III? What will the new slogan be, instead of “Blood and Soil”—”Coalmines and  Bitcoin?” 

While digging through that dark rabbit hole, I stumbled upon a new phrase that jolted me:  “End Times Fascism,” coined by Naomi Klein (yes, the Doppelganger-Mirror World-Naomi,  not the other Naomi). She describes a new beast: an alliance between the far right and Silicon  Valley oligarchs, ushering in a flavor of fascism tailor-made for the end of Times. 

Which brings me back to my question: Am I wrong to suspect that, behind so many of today’s  ethnic and racial conflicts, two ingredients keep showing up: hatred and ignorance? By  hatred, I mean blind, obsessive, destructive emotion. Ignorance can be both willful,  deliberate- or uninformed, innocent. 

And suddenly, it all clicks. This takes me right back to why I started writing this piece in the  first place. 

The Core Argument 

In short: This article argues that many of the conflicts and chronic dysfunctions in the Global  South, particularly in Africa, are driven not primarily by poverty or historical legacy, but by  the mindsets, choices, and actions of political elites. These elites use single (sensitive) stories  to manipulate identity, grievance, and scarcity to maintain power—either symbolic (prestige,  status) or, often, economic (wealth accumulation). Their preferred means of mustering energy  is installing hatred in the masses to create mob action, projecting their collective stupidity to  the herd. 

But lamenting this dynamic isn’t enough. Drawing on philosophical insights, historical  parallels, and some comparative analysis, this article calls for a revolution of the mind among  the elite class and proposes a framework for future inquiry focused on rebuilding ethical leadership, reconnecting elites with society, and redefining education as a force for collective  responsibility rather than personal promotion. 

Consider this a reflection and a quiet pointer for the next generation of young leaders, those  who aspire not just to succeed within the current system, but to fundamentally reshape it- a  paradigm shift. An astute reader might ask: Why should they? After all, meaningful change  rarely pays; it demands sacrifice, invites resistance, and offers no guarantee of success. In  many cases, those who challenge the status quo are sidelined, not celebrated. 

So why should they stay connected? Perhaps because vengeance only breeds more vengeance.  Corruption deepens the cleft. And the hole greed digs will never be full. Re-engaging isn’t  about martyrdom; it’s about recognizing that individual success, no matter how glittering, will  never be real success. If it doesn’t take the community with it, it will always backfire. 

Introduction: A Broader Pattern 

Ethiopia’s struggles mirror a broader pattern: across the Global South, elites exploit division  while evading accountability. Colonial history, ethnic diversity, and underdevelopment are  often cited as root causes of persistent conflict in the Global South, or developing nations- call  it what you may. Yet these explanations fall short as some countries with similar challenges  have achieved peace and growth. What distinguishes them? 

This article argues that the root cause of societal conflict and dysfunction in a continent that  lacks a viable institutional framework lies in the behavior and mindset of the mighty political  elites. These individuals are often shaped by a profound detachment from the societies they  claim to represent, influenced by personal grievances, dysfunctional family histories, and, in  some cases, pathological personality traits. Their distorted self-perception, a symptom of the  Dunning-Kruger effect, is reinforced by privileges gained through subtle, institutionalized  forms of corruption, often legitimized by formal education. 

Don’t get me wrong, elites are shaped by the societies that produce them, carrying both the  virtues and flaws of their environments. But when these traits are amplified by education,  sincerity and compassion are displaced, while their position gains strength and legitimacy.  

The problem escalates when elites sever ties with the very communities that raised them soon  after graduating. This disconnection stems from educational systems that focus on churning  out skilled professionals while neglecting wisdom, ethical leadership, and civic responsibility.  And yet, to be fair, the communities they leave behind are not always welcoming to change or  growth. They, too, carry a burden of rigidity. But that is universal, a different chapter  altogether. 

Why is this rarely questioned? Is it the result of mismanaged modernity (Kebede, M., 2023),  entrenched traditions, rigid cultural norms, or perhaps a historical rupture that derailed a more  balanced trajectory, like, for example, a failed revolution? In today’s post-truth era, where the  map is more real than the territory, values are blurred, and facts are contested—where  loopholes in democracy are used to pave the way for autocracy—uncovering and addressing the deeper causes of elite malignancy has become increasingly difficult. As Klein cleverly  puts it, in a tone reminiscent of Animal Farm: The Mirror World: where conspiracy is reality,  fiction is fact, left is right, and you may not even recognize yourself. 

The Role of Elite Mindsets 

Some scholars, such as Lawrence Harrison in Who Prospers? (1992), argue that cultural  attitudes toward work, authority, and progress are key determinants of development. Though  criticized for oversimplifying complex factors and assuming static culture, this view  highlights a crucial point: elite mindsets shape societal trajectories. 

Elites can reshape culture by embracing meritocracy, service, and long-term vision,  prioritizing collective prosperity over personal gain. While Harrison reminds us that culture  shapes outcomes, Chomsky warns that intellectuals often align with power rather than  question it, and Rousseau, in his Social Contract, flatly distrusted them altogether. Taken  together, these perspectives suggest that the elite’s failure is not accidental; it’s structural,  cultural, and deeply embedded in the roles we’ve assigned to intellect and leadership. Worse  still, today, it appears to hold true for the world at large- not exclusively for the Global South. 

Education fails to inoculate against cruelty. Ethiopian university-educated elites orchestrated  ethnic killings, while government military forces targeted churches and hospitals, proving  Azar’s theory: systemic exclusion breeds perpetual conflict. 

The Evil Software 

Political elites often foster a mindset dominated by unchecked greed, vengeance, the pursuit  of power, and a kind of “evil software” programmed into the collective mind. This triad of  motivations overshadows real issues and often creates polarization that escalates into civil war  or even genocide in societies where the central elements of human rights are lacking- like in  Ethiopia today. 

Power and Greed 

When both the private and public sectors are weak and credible economic planning is absent,  the state becomes the primary source of wealth. In such settings, politics drifts from  policymaking toward patronage. Even revolutionaries often end up replicating the very  systems they once sought to dismantle (Acemoglu & Robinson, 2012). Here, greed isn’t just  economic; it’s also about legacy, recognition, and control, fueling factionalism, rivalry, and  eventually, violence. 

Example: Elites often replicate the systems they claim to oppose. In Ethiopia, the TPLF’s  ethnic federalism (1991–2018) prioritized tribal patronage over merit, while subsequent  regimes bulldozed homes for vanity projects, exchanging public welfare for palaces and lamp  posts.

Vengeance: Historical Grievances as Tools 

Historical injustices, colonial exploitation, slavery, periods of ethnic domination are real. But  elites frequently weaponize them. It never occurs to them that they’re wrestling with ghosts,  waging war against the past, when it’s the spirits of those who wronged them they should  confront, not their grandchildren- their own wives and children. Rather than healing wounds,  they manipulate identity to label enemies, mobilize followers, and justify repression  (Mamdani, 2001). Once launched, ethnic politics spiral into ever-deeper fragmentation,  breaking down into smaller and smaller group identities, ultimately consuming even their  instigators and reproducing the very injustices they once claimed to resist. The persistence of  such dysfunction can be illuminated through Edward Azar’s theory of Protracted Social  Conflict (Azar, 1990), which emphasizes how systemic exclusion and the denial of basic  human needs, especially among marginalized identity groups, lead to enduring societal  instability. 

Example: Weaponized grievances fracture societies irreparably. Ethiopia’s OLF leaders  dismissed Amharic as a national language despite evidence favoring unity, while TPLF  narratives fabricated historical injustices to justify ethnic dominance, mirroring Mamdani’s  warnings of “victims becoming killers.” 

Delusion 

Elites often wrap themselves in the language of justice, invoking liberation, equity, or reform,  but routinely sidestep the most glaring and fundamental injustice of all: mass poverty. While  they quibble over ideologies, symbols, and identities, millions are left struggling with hunger,  illiteracy, disease, and displacement. The daily struggles of ordinary people rarely make it  onto the elite agenda, except as rhetorical decoration. This detachment isn’t limited to a single  ethnic group or social class; it cuts across them all. In the pursuit of influence, legacy, or  wealth, elites prioritize status games and wealth accumulation over basic human needs,  turning structural inequality into a permanent feature of the political landscape by nonchalant  omission. 

Example: Elites cloak self-interest in liberation rhetoric while ignoring mass suffering. The  prime minister toured wheat fields while Attaye town was burnt to the ground by Oromo  ethno-fanatics. And now, during the ongoing war on Amhara, Ethiopia’s parliament remains  silent while the regime bombs Amhara and Oromo civilians with drones. 

Ethiopia lost its access to the sea following the 1993 Eritrean independence ushered by Meles  (like the case with Sultan Ibrahim Bein Hussein who sold it to the colonial Italians in 1869- but in 1952 it was incorporated into Ethiopia, under a UN mandate). This loss of seaport  significantly impacted Ethiopia’s strategic and economic position in the region. 

Some members of The Ethiopian Student Movement of the 70s prioritized ideology over the  fundamental national question of sovereignty and national cohesion and aligned themselves with  historical enemies of Ethiopia.

Historical Case Studies on Evils 

• Chang, H.-J. (2007). Bad Samaritans: The Myth of Free Trade and the Secret History  of Capitalism. Bloomsbury Press. 

• Cumings, B. (1997). Korea’s Place in the Sun: A Modern History. W.W. Norton &  Company. 

• Gyimah-Boadi, E. (1994). Economic Recovery and Politics in the PNDC’s Ghana. The  Journal of Modern African Studies, 32(4), 605–630. 

• Prunier, G. (1995). The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide. Columbia University  Press. 

A Philosophical Framework: The Buddhist Lens 

Buddhism identifies three roots of suffering: craving (Tanha), aversion (Dosa), and delusion  (Moha). These correspond directly to elite dysfunction: 

• Craving for status and wealth 

• Aversion or hatred rooted in vengeance 

• Delusion or lack of introspection about moral standing 

Education alone cannot correct this; ethical and spiritual maturity is essential. 

The Revolution of the Mind: Ethics, Accountability… 

Transformation begins with introspection. Launching a political movement driven by  unfiltered hatred and the thirst for vengeance is a recipe for failure. Sustainable change  demands more than emotional force; it requires strategic thinking and a principled commitment to justice that transcends cycles of retribution. Another key pattern in this  process is the way analysis paralysis and finger-pointing become typical strategies for elites to  evade accountability and rigidity to change. 

The Queen of Hearts from Alice in Wonderland exemplifies the futility of rage-based  leadership. Her infamous cry, “Off with their heads!”, is a spectacle of fury devoid of  substance, a performance of power/ego rather than a pursuit of solutions. Such theatrics  cannot heal a community gripped by deeper structural issues, like addiction, crime, and chaos,  in the Appalachian community or across societies fractured by war and inequality. 

It doesn’t work in Africa. It doesn’t work in Wonderland. It doesn’t work in the Middle East. 

Elites must replace ego with humility and service, and control with cooperation, lessons they  must have learned from the Tragedy of the Commons. However, this shift must be grounded  in a rigorous process of feedback and evaluation, where promises are measured against actual  results, similar to the projects they lead. Their actions must be transparent, with the impact of their decisions scrutinized not just through their own lens but by consulting international  perspectives, statistics, and the lived realities of the people. 

At the same time, the public must be genuinely empowered through education, truth, and real  opportunities, not just hollow rhetoric. Only with such accountability and openness can  meaningful, lasting change take root. 

Research Questions for Further Study 

• How can education cultivate moral, not just technical, leadership? Can AI help or  make things worse? 

• Can transitional justice address elite-driven divisions effectively? 

• What role do diasporas play in elite dysfunction or reform? 

• How do decentralized models affect elite capture of state resources? 

Final Reflection on Elites 

What mindset drives elites to destroy their own nations? It is not mere insanity. It is: • Egoism: The delusion of leaders equating their ego with the nation. • Fear: Crushing dissent at all costs. 

• Ethno-nationalism: One group’s dominance. 

• Colonial mimicry: Bombing one’s own people. 

• Moral decay: Knowing better, but the ignorance of choosing worse. • Learned hopelessness: A fixed mindset with no faith in a shared future. 

Conclusion 

Conflict in the Global South is not fate; it is programmed. The decisions of political elites,  shaped by self-interest and disconnection from reality, lie at the roots. Reprogramming this  trajectory starts with transforming elite minds. 

The path forward demands accountability. Rwanda’s post-genocide reconciliation stands in  sharp contrast to Ethiopia’s cyclical violence, where elites, from the Derg’s Red Terror to  today’s drone strikes, prioritize power over people. 

That transformation requires: 

• Ethical education and critical thinking, a humanistic worldview. 

• Redefining political success as reconciliation and reform

• Celebrating public service over power. 

• Catalysts for change: enlightened elites, civic pressure, regional and global  accountability on human rights. 

Societies must evolve from passive approval to active participation. Civic engagement,  education, and media literacy can bridge the gap between symbolic politics and substantive  leadership. And silence is not golden when we witness human rights abuse. 

That is the revolution Africa, and the world, awaits. 

References 

• Acemoglu, D., & Robinson, J. (2012). Why Nations Fail. Crown Publishing. • Mamdani, M. (2001). When Victims Become Killers. Princeton University Press. 

• Azar, E. (1990). The Management of Protracted Social Conflict: Theory and Cases.  Dartmouth Publishing. 

• Chang, H. J. (2007). Bad Samaritans: The Myth of Free Trade and the Secret History  of Capitalism. Bloomsbury Publishing. 

• Clark, P. (2010). The Gacaca Courts, Post-Genocide Justice and Reconciliation in  Rwanda. Cambridge University Press. 

• Gyimah-Boadi, E. (2009). Ghana: Limits of External Democracy Assistance. In J.  Haynes (Ed.), Democracy Promotion in Africa: Challenges and Prospects (pp. 171- 190). Routledge. 

• Meredith, M. (2002). Our Votes, Our Guns: Robert Mugabe’s Corruption of  Zimbabwe. PublicAffairs. 

• Harrison, L. E. (1992). Who Prospers? How Cultural Values Shape Economic and  Political Success. Basic Books. 

• Kebede, M. (2023). Ethiopian Modernization: Opportunities and Derailments.  Palgrave Macmillan. 

• Berhanu, G. (2022, April 13). Victims and victimization in Ethiopian politics:  Targeting the Amhara on three fronts. Eurasia Review. 

• ((One book just fell into my hands – The Dictator’s Handbook by Bruce Bueno de  Mesquita and colleagues. It’s packed with insights that would add great substance to  my article, but- next time!))

Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com

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