” Berhanu said nothing when thousands of Amharas were slaughtered in Wellega and other areas in the Oromia region.” Andargachew
By Andargachew Tsege
A Rejoinder to the Private Messages I Received from Berhanu Fans and PP Cadres in Response to My Recent Piece on the Disappearance of Genet Arage and the Callous Berhanu Nega.
To begin with, let me be absolutely clear: there is a troubling and growing hypocrisy in Ethiopian politics when it comes to accountability. Far too many people hesitate to name and shame individuals with well-documented records of corruption, unethical behavior, complicity in human rights abuses, or collaboration with repressive regimes.
I argue that those who object to such exposure on the grounds of “respect for privacy” are often either concealing their own questionable pasts or sympathizing with those being exposed—closet crooks or closet fascists, in effect. The only caveat to this principle is consistency: if you condemn others for such behavior, you must be willing to accept the same scrutiny if you are found to be no different.
The outing of Berhanu Nega as an anti-Amhara figure is not based on speculative accusations but grounded in his own actions. No one needed to name him explicitly—his deeds speak volumes.
Berhanu Nega and the Amhara People
Berhanu Nega rose to political prominence through multi-ethnic political movements largely powered by Amhara activists who resisted ethnic-based politics. He masterfully presented himself as a universalist, earning the trust of many Amharas who came to see him as one of their own.
In 2009, General Asaminew Tsige, Colonel Demsew, Yaregal Yimama, and I met with Berhanu in Dubai to discuss a planned coup attempt by army officers and their collaborators in the security services. These officers shared sensitive documents explaining why Amhara soldiers opposing TPLF rule were organizing along ethnic lines. To them, Berhanu’s Gurage identity didn’t matter—he was seen as a trusted ally.
Both before and after Abiy Ahmed’s rise to power, many Amharas confided in Berhanu about their ethnic concerns. I, like others, defended him against accusations of being anti-Amhara. I pointed out that his children are half-Amhara, that he barely speaks Guragigna, and that he dreams in Amharic. For years, he hid his hostility toward the Amhara cause—until recent events exposed him.
The Turning Points
1. The TPLF Invasion
The first test came during the war between the TPLF and the Prosperity Party. When TPLF forces invaded the Amhara and Afar regions—inflicting immense suffering—I proposed that all political parties, ethnic or national, should unite to defend the Amhara people. This wasn’t about Amhara nationalism but about protecting civilians from an existential threat.
Many organizations agreed. But Berhanu, representing EZEMA, flatly rejected the idea. In a meeting with several witnesses from his party present, he dismissed the proposal as “stupid,” arguing that such a stance would encourage Amhara nationalism. This was despite the federal government openly admitting it couldn’t defend Amhara territories and urging civilians to take up arms. In the end, we moved forward without EZEMA’s official backing, involving Yeshiwas Assefa (then Chairperson now out of EZEMA) and Daniel Shibesh (a member now exiled) in an unofficial capacity.
2. Disarming the Amhara
The next test came when Abiy decided to disarm Amharas and dismantle the Amhara Special Forces. Berhanu again sided with the regime, parroting the official line that all regional forces—including the TPLF’s—were being disarmed and dismantled. He repeated these claims despite the clear and credible evidence I presented showing that neither the TPLF had been disarmed nor were other regional special forces being dismantled. This matter was discussed in a private conversation held in front of notable figures.
Even after it became undeniable that the disarmament was selective and that Abiy’s war on the Amhara people was unjust, Berhanu refused to reconsider his stance. Instead, he became an open advocate for Abiy’s campaign—including the extrajudicial killings of civilians, such as youths shot in front of their parents in Bahir Dar. When informed that the campaign resembled the Military regime’s Red Terror of the 1970s, he dismissed the concerns.
Berhanu, the self-proclaimed human rights defender and rule-of-law advocate, remains a member of Abiy’s cabinet—a cabinet overseeing mass killings, imprisonment, torture, disappearances, and extrajudicial executions of Ethiopian citizens simply for their ethnicity.
A Deafening Silence
Berhanu said nothing when thousands of Amharas were slaughtered in Wellega and other areas in the Oromia region. He remained silent when millions were displaced. In private conversations, he defended every policy Abiy enacted in Addis Ababa, including:
The singing of the divisive OPDO ethnic anthem in schools and the display of the OPDO flag alongside the Ethiopian flag in every school.
The calculated replacement of Amhara civil servants with Oromo ethnic nationals—justified under the guise of “ethnic balance,” even though Oromos are a minority in Addis.
Berhanu supported these moves, knowing full well they resulted in the unjust firing of Amharas from positions they had long held without offering them alternative employment or compensation.
Conclusion
Berhanu Nega’s actions reveal his true allegiances. While he once postured as a champion of national unity and democratic ideals, his record on Amhara issues exposes deep-seated bias and opportunism. He refused to support Amhara’s self-defense, enabled Abiy’s unjust policies, and provided cover for systemic ethnic targeting.
The trust that many Amharas placed in him was not only misplaced—it was weaponized against them.
Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
__
Subscribe : https://borkena.com/subscribe-borkena/
Join our Telegram Channel : t.me/borkena
Like borkena on Facebook
Add your business to Ethiopian Business Listing / Ethiopian Business Directory Business Listing Toronto
Join the conversation. Follow us on X (Formerly Twitter) @zborkena to get the latest Ethiopian News updates regularly. Subscribe to YouTube channel To share information or for submission, send e-mail to info@borkena.com
‘Conclusion’: Abiy is a millionaire [Nobel Prize] and can live a nice life anywhere else!
እርሶ እና ዶክተር ብርሃኑ – ኢሕአፓ እንደነበራችሁ ታህል ሰምቻለሁ! በእነ ደርግ-መኢሶን-ኢሕአፓ-ወያኔ-ሻዕብያ/ጀብሃ — የማይረቡ አጀንዳዎች ምክንያት – ኢትዮጵያ አንድ ትውልድ አልቆባታል!
When ships sail and planes fly, the captains keep an eye on their navigation dials to make course correction if necessary. It seems that your generation lacks that ‘common sense’!
When I scan the headlines on most Ethiopia-related websites, what I see often is an Open Season on Ethiopia by ‘Ethiopia Doomsday Cults’ [Ethiopia’s Enemies].
I wish Ethiopians stopped such empty political/ideological/ethnic wrangling and rallied behind Ethiopia! It only adds insult to Ethiopia’s injury by making the future of this generation the same as that of the decimated generation! Why not protect this generation?
እኔ እዚህ ፅሁፍ ያየሁት ሁለት ሀሳቦችን ነው።
1 የፕሮፌሰር ብርሀኑ ነጋ የፀና ‘princple’ ያላቸው ሰው መሆናቸው ፣ በሴራ ፓሊትካ የማምኑ በአጠቃላይ በኢትዮጵያዊያን እኩልነት የሚያምኑ መሆናቸውን አቶ አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ የምስክር ቃላቸውሰተዋል።
2. በአንፃሩ አቶ አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ በፕሮፌሰሩ ብርሀኑ ላይ ያቀረቡት ክሶች አንዳዶቹ ውሀ የማይቋጥሩ ፣ ለምሳሌ የኢትዮጵያ ወጣቶች ትግል የአንድ ብህር ብቻ አድርጎ ማቅረብ፣
ሲጀመር አቶ አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ ሴረኛ መሆናቸዉን ያየሁት።
Ato Andargachew Tsege’s article, “Berhanu Nega: A Closet Anti-Amhara,” presents a scathing critique of Dr. Berhanu Nega’s political stance, accusing him of harboring hostility toward the Amhara people. Ato Andargachew’s assertions about Dr. Berhanu’s political decisions is polemical in tone and several claims lack verifiable evidence.
The article employs emotionally charged language, labeling Dr. Berhanu as a “closet anti-Amhara” and accusing him of “weaponizing” Amhara trust. Such framing suggests a predetermined conclusion rather than an impartial analysis.
Ato Andargachew positions himself as an insider with privileged knowledge, relying heavily on private conversations and personal interpretations. While his frustration with Dr. Berhanu’s political choices is understandable, the accusatory tone undermines the article’s credibility as a neutral assessment.
Dr. Berhanu’s silence could stem from political loyalty rather than personal animosity. Many Prosperity Party officials avoid criticizing the government on ethnic violence, making this a systemic issue rather than proof of Berhanu’s specific bias.
Ato Andargachew claims Dr. Berhanu dismissed a proposal for a united Amhara defense as “stupid,” fearing it would fuel Amhara nationalism. No direct evidence (recordings, meeting minutes) confirms this exchange. Dr. Berhanu may have opposed armed resistance on ideological grounds, given his long-standing opposition to ethnic militias.
The federal government did disarm Amhara forces in 2023, but Tigrayan forces retained weapons and were ordered under the Pretoria Agreement (COH) to disarm, demobilize and rehabilitate their forces. Berhanu’s alignment with this policy reflects his position within the Prosperity Party rather than explicit anti-Amhara bias. A fair critique would acknowledge that many non-Amhara officials supported this move, not just Dr. Berhanu.
Reports of bureaucratic ethnic favoritism in Addis exist, but Dr. Berhanu’s direct involvement is unverified. The adoption of the Oromia anthem in schools is public knowledge , but attributing this to Dr. Berhanu personally requires more evidence.
The article overlooks Dr. Berhanu’s political evolution. Once a leader of the multi-ethnic Ginbot 7 movement (with Ato Andargachew Tsege), he opposed the TPLF’s ethnic federalism before joining Abiy’s government. His current stance may reflect pragmatism rather than ideological hostility toward Amharas. Additionally, the piece does not engage with possible strategic reasons for his decisions, such as avoiding further fragmentation of the state.
The article highlights legitimate criticisms of Dr. Berhanu’s role in Abiy’s government but suffers from bias, unverified claims, and a lack of contextual, subtle distinction or difference . I respect Ato Andargachew but his article does not help form a complete judgment.
The issue must be Ethiopia, not Amhara. It is in that scope the past and current atrocities against Amhara should be viewed. In that case, I don’t see any difference between you and Birhanu especially on the issue of Addis Ababa these seven years. Andargachew, weren’t you yourself a puppet advocate of Weyane’s narrow ethnic deeds while you came from London promised by Tefera Walwa ( your brother-in-law) to be given a ministerial post and were working with them at Addis Abeba Administration for years? Once again, weren’t you a bought witness of “Finfine-Policies” to the shock of non-Oromo residents of Addis? So you see, that makes you birds of the same chameleonic feather with Birhanu.