Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
By Haile Tessma
Getachew Reda’s candid press conference on March 13 in Addis Ababa exposes the true nature of the TPLF leadership. His statements corroborate what critics of the TPLF have asserted for the past 27 years: that the organization functions as a criminal political entity. Unlike previous efforts to downplay its crimes, his remarks left little room for ambiguity. His statements reveal internal fractures within the TPLF, where power struggles are no longer concealed behind ideological rhetoric.
He seeks to distinguish between factions within the TPLF—those who support him and those who oppose him. This distinction, however, is irrelevant for those who view the organization as inherently criminal. Regardless of internal divisions, the TPLF’s operations consistently demonstrate a pattern of corruption, repression, and lawlessness. These divisions do not stem from ideological disagreements but from disputes over access to power and resources.
Getachew also presents the familiar argument that only a small fraction of the leadership is corrupt and claims that the problem stems from a few bad actors. The assertion ignores the reality that in a criminal organization, misconduct is not confined to individuals but embedded in the organization itself. The distinction between good and bad elements becomes meaningless when the organization operates outside the bounds of legality and ethical governance.
A criminal organization engages in illegal activities, relies on coercion, disregards the rule of law, and seeks power, profit, or personal gain through unlawful means. Its hierarchical structure shields leaders from accountability while subordinates carry out illicit operations. Such organizations suppress dissent, reject legal frameworks, and ignore ethical principles. By these criteria, the TPLF qualifies as a criminal entity because of its systematic use of violence, fraud, and unlawful practices to secure and maintain political power. For nearly three decades, it ruled through intimidation, electoral fraud, and the violent suppression of the opposition. It controlled key state institutions to shield its members from accountability. Its record includes embezzlement, financial crimes, and protecting economic turfs. Even after losing formal power, it has continued to engage in coercion, armed conflict, and illicit activities to sustain its influence.
The TPLF’s criminality extends beyond governance to the justification of war. Getachew Reda and the other TPLF leaders defended their decision to initiate war against Abiy Ahmed’s government on November 2, 2020, by arguing that the government had violated the constitution. They framed their actions as a principled response to unconstitutional measures taken by the federal government. To garner support from the Tigrayan population, the broader Ethiopian public, and the international community, they asserted that their cause rested on fundamental principles—adherence to the constitution, preservation of regional autonomy, and protection of democratic rights.
This justification fails to withstand scrutiny. The TPLF’s decision to initiate armed conflict was driven less by principle and more by political calculations. Observers familiar with Ethiopian politics recognize that the TPLF leadership sought to maintain its influence after the unexpected loss of power at the federal level. Its history of suppressing opposition, consolidating power within Tigray, and disregarding democratic rights underscores the inconsistency of its claims. The war was not driven by a commitment to constitutional principles but rather by a strategic effort to reassert political dominance when the TPLF deemed the timing favorable.
The pursuit of power assumes various forms, none of which are grounded in principles. When national dominance became unattainable, the TPLF turned to separatism as a strategic tool. After losing power, the TPLF leadership relocated to Mekelle, where it devised strategies for reclaiming control. Between 2018 and 2020, it prepared for war, convinced that military confrontation was the only viable path to restoring its influence. The strategy was built on two possible outcomes: successful overthrow of Abiy Ahmed’s government would allow the TPLF to reclaim its central role in Ethiopian politics, while failure would lead to a declaration of an independent Tigray.
The TPLF has historically treated separatism as a tactical maneuver rather than a genuine ideological commitment. It advocated for independence only when national dominance became unattainable. Its rhetoric on self-determination concealed its primary objective: securing power, either by ruling Ethiopia or by establishing an independent Tigray that served the interests of its leadership.
With this objective in mind, the TPLF drafted the constitution and institutionalized ethnic divisions to consolidate its power. When it deemed the timing favorable, the TPLF used the constitution and the institutions it had created to advance the political ambitions of its leadership. It declared war and framed its actions as a defense of regional autonomy. Meanwhile, the federal government failed to counter the TPLF’s preparations for war. Rather than neutralize the threat, it allowed the TPLF to launch an attack against the Ethiopian army. Whether because of incompetence, corruption, or political calculation, it later withdrew its forces from Tigray in June 2021 and enabled the TPLF to reclaim power in the region.
The factionalism that Getachew Reda bemoans within the TPLF reflects a struggle for power and resources rather than ideological differences. He claims that his opponents seek Eritrean intervention in Tigray to remove him, topple Abiy Ahmed’s government, and restore the TPLF to power. His accusation reinforces long-standing assessments of the organization’s opportunism.
That such an accusation of TPLF opportunism comes from a key TPLF leader is revealing. For years, critics have argued that the TPLF ranks power over principle and shifts alliances whenever expedient. Getachew’s admission affirms what has been evident for the past 27 years: the TPLF has never adhered to ideology but has consistently pursued strategies to advance the ambitions of its leadership.
His accusations extend beyond political opportunism to financial crimes as well. Getachew Reda alleges that the TPLF leadership engages in illegal activities, including gold smuggling, human trafficking, illicit trade, and the illegal arms trade. He claims that the leadership has exploited Tigray’s resources for personal gain rather than for the people it claims to represent. While Ethiopians recognize his acknowledgment of the TPLF’s criminality, his admission does little to alter their long-held perceptions of the organization.
Getachew Reda’s accusations of financial misconduct reflect long-standing concerns of Ethiopians. These revelations are not new. The Ethiopian public has long recognized that the TPLF leadership plundered the country’s wealth. For 27 years, it siphoned off billions of dollars and funneled them to financial havens such as Abu Dhabi. Getachew’s admission reaffirms what Ethiopians have long suspected: theft is not incidental but central to the organization’s operations.”
While the exact amount stolen by the TPLF leadership remains uncertain, estimates suggest that around $3 billion per year was illegally moved out of Ethiopia during its rule. Reports indicate that TPLF officials even attempted to sell impure gold bars to other central banks. The extent of gold bars, gold crowns, gold ornaments, gold coins, and other gold artifacts looted from the collection accumulated in Haile Selassie’s palace remains unknown. Likewise, the proportion of Ethiopia’s current debt siphoned into foreign accounts as illicit commissions for TPLF officials remains speculative.
What is certain is that the TPLF leadership did not begin stealing after relocating to Tigray. Theft, embezzlement, and plunder have defined its rule from the outset. The only difference now is that the potential for wealth extraction has diminished. With access to Ethiopia’s state resources cut off, internal divisions have deepened as factions compete over what limited resources in Tigray.
The internal conflict within the TPLF has given the Tigrayan people, the Ethiopian people, and the international community the opportunity to see what the TPLF truly represents. It is a group of criminals driven solely by personal political ambitions and the pursuit of wealth. If achieving those ambitions requires the destruction of Tigray, the deaths of Tigrayans, or the disintegration of Ethiopia, so be it. While those of us who opposed the TPLF welcome its self-destruction, the unfortunate reality is that an unstable, corrupt, and equally criminal leader—Abiy Ahmed—stands ready to rescue it.
Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
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