Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
By Nekash
Part 1
Introduction
The course of the Amhara struggle to ensure the Amhara’s people existence – countering the state-led genocide of the Amhara’s identity, culture, economy, and socio-political values – has gained the momentum to advance and execute the Amhara’s interest both in the military and political spheres. Unfortunately (or fortunately) there are several interests – some are conflicting that the Amhara struggle is expected to achieve. One of the main challenges that come with these interests are the individuals and groups behind them. Some seek to limit the Amhara struggle as a tool – only a militant group devoid of political purposes. This group is an extension of the ‘unitary ‘political party that have been misleading the Amhara people’s political perspectives and exploited the Amhara intellectual and material resources for the last four decades. This group fails to acknowledge the shifting socio-political reality and the new norm on the ground – this could be intentional or lack of information on the four decades of political fluxes. Currently, such groups are represented by AFPO1. The other group is the Amhara nationalist – rooted in the Amhara first ideology, that centers the Amhara interest at the heart of the Amhara struggle – not just merely a means or a tool. This group is the new perspective to the Amhara political ideology.
This commentary presents a personal reflection on a journal paper titled ‘From defeating colonialism to facing genocide: Historical precedents and prospects of the Amhara existential struggle in Ethiopia’ by Desalegn Birara published on JAS2 journal. The commentary aims to critically examine the author’s intentions by analyzing how the Amhara struggle is portrayed in the article. It identifies and challenges false claims made in the article, exposes recycled and inteRactive narratives regarding Amhara struggle, and evaluates the author’s perspectives based on his social media engagements. Additionally, the journal itself is assessed against standard academic criteria, highlighting potential shortcomings in its scholarly rigor and objectivity.
Based on the agendas promoted in the JAS article, it becomes clear that the false claims and recycled, inteRactive narratives are strategically designed to reinforce a political stance that aligns with the AFPO. The author has explicitly demonstrated his allegiance to this particular organization. Such behavior can only be seen as intellectual dishonesty, at best, and reveals a deliberate attempt to manipulate discourse to serve a specific political agenda.
Author’s Social Media Engagement
During the recorded X-Space discussion held on March 2nd to engage with the author about his article, he stated:
‘The ultimate goal of Amhara nationalism should be the rescue and preservation of Ethiopia. Otherwise, it risks categorically labeling Amharas living in other regions as “neftegna,” leaving them vulnerable and abandoned – as ANDM/ADP3 has been doing.’
This represents the strongest commitment to the Ethiopianist agenda. However, this stance marks a clear departure from the emerging spirit of the Amhara struggle— Amhara nationalism. Unlike the traditional Ethiopianist perspective, Amhara nationalism recognizes Ethiopia as a political consensus among its diverse ethnic groups, rather than an entity solely preserved by the Amhara. While rejecting secessionist narratives to its struggle, Amhara nationalism also refuses to bear the unilateral burden of safeguarding Ethiopia’s unity. Regardless of the political trajectory—whether Ethiopia remains united or fractures—Amhara nationalism is fundamentally committed to securing and protecting the interests of the Amhara people.
The author shared his view on Borkena4 with the title – ፋኖ ፬ ኪሎ ሲገባ የምመክረው (ፖሊሲ ፩), the author suggested promoting interethnic marriages between Amhara and other ethnic groups as a strategy to counter ethnonationalist divisions. It is one thing to refrain from aligning with the Amhara ethnic group or to oppose the ethnic federalist constitution and institutions that have shaped Ethiopia’s political landscape for over four decades. However, it is an entirely diRerent matter—one that is both reckless and dismissive of the Amhara people—to promote unrealistic political ideals while ethnonationalist movements, particularly among the Oromo and Tigray nationalists, stand on the brink of declaring independence. Such a stance not only ignores the urgent realities on the ground but also undermines the legitimate concerns of the Amhara population in an increasingly fragile national framework.
False claims
In this section, I will highlight bold yet false claims that are used to justify narratives lacking scientific evidence.
Unified Fano army structure and election
The author claims that there are two diverging opinions in Amhara nationalism: those who view Amhara nationalism as a ‘means’ and those who see it as a ‘strategic objective’. First, there is no evidence to support the two classifications and if there is any classification at all across the imaginary classification line. Second, ‘means’ to seizing power and ‘strategic objective’ are not necessarily diverging opinions. The ‘strategic objective’ is described in the article as a sociopolitical organization. Such organizations operate at the intersection of society and politics, influencing or shaping both social and political structures. Hence, the ‘strategic objective’ can be a means to the ‘means’, instead. Third, the author categorizes individuals into such classification and claims there was an election to lead a unified Fano army. The author did not mention the election process, yet as scholars, we know that the process itself holds more weight than the election results. Fourth, the author overtly accuses the prominent Fano leader, Zemene Kassie, of outright rejecting the election results. Note that all claims and accusations are not substantiated with evidence.
Role and preservation of Fano
In discussing the current situation surrounding Fano, the author asserts that the blurring of lines between political leaders who claim to represent Fano, and Fano leaders who position themselves as politicians, poses a significant risk to the Amhara struggle. The author recommends preserving Fano’s identity as a symbol of common pride and heritage for all Amhara people — devoid of political interest and focused solely on its role as a militia fighting for freedom and justice. This argument is based on social media reactions and comments, but lacks substantial evidence to support the claim that Fano should remain politically neutral, or that Fano leaders should avoid political involvement. Aside from some hearsay, the author provides no concrete proof to justify this stance. It appears that the author either lacks the motivation to critically analyze Fano’s evolution through diRerent historical contexts, or perhaps is advocating for the use of Fano as a political tool to secure power, rather than understanding it as a dynamic social and political force.
The notion of Fano’s political neutrality is highly perplexing. Expecting fighters for freedom and justice to remain politically neutral is inherently contradictory. The very systems that perpetuate injustice and deny freedom are, without a doubt, politically motivated. Therefore, the political awareness, readiness, and organizational capacity of the Fano fighters form the very core of their struggle. This perspective, however, is unlikely to align with the objectives of groups like the AFPO and the Ethiopianist faction, whose primary agenda pretends to be Ethiopia as a whole, rather than addressing the existential suffering of the Amhara people.
The diaspora support community
The author claims existence of a diaspora support community for the Amhara struggle, but never mentioned by name or give any reference to who they are. It is obvious that there are more factions and divisions from the diaspora side than on the ground. He further explains the ‘gohost’ diaspora support community’s best solution to the division among Fano leaders ‘appointing Zemene as the commander overseeing Fano operations on the ground while assigning Eskinder the role of general responsible for international diplomacy and cooperation.’ If this were presented merely as a personal suggestion, it would likely be dismissed as an individual’s subjective opinion, easily nullified without consequence. However, the author strengthens his argument by making unfounded claims, attempting to lend credibility to weak justifications and explanations. Specifically, the mention of individuals with disproportionate influence in the Amhara struggle serves not to clarify the issue, but to elevate the weak, giving them undue prominence and presenting them as equally significant. This kind of framing only distorts the true political dynamics and undermines the legitimacy of the struggle itself. For example, Eskindir is widely recognized for his staunch opposition to ethnonationalist ideology and his ambition to seize power in order to dismantle the ethnic federalism system. It goes without saying that he also rejects Amhara nationalism, yet paradoxically, he positions himself as a representative of the Amhara Fano as a whole, and as the leader of the AFPO. This creates a glaring contradiction, as his actions and rhetoric appear to undermine the very identity and political aspirations he claims to represent, thus revealing the inconsistencies within his leadership and political vision.
Defining and redefining
The author claims Amhara is “an ethnic identity anyone can naturally claim based on association and a sense of membership.” Note that an identity refers to the way an individual or group perceives and defines themselves. This assertion, however, oversimplifies the complex and historically entrenched nature of ethnic groups, which is shaped by shared cultural, linguistic, and ancestral ties — not merely by language or self-declaration. The author goes further to claim, “anyone who speaks Amharic as their first language or identifies as Amhara should be considered Amhara.” Ethnic group and identity is a deeply political issue, and such statements risk undermining the meaningful and historically significant struggles of actual ethnic groups. To reduce the identity of the Amhara people to a simple linguistic criterion ignores the nuanced realities of ethnicity, including the political and social dimensions that shape group membership in the context of power, history, and culture.
The author did not recognize Amhara as an ethnic group – a community of people who share a common cultural, linguistic, religious, or ancestral heritage, and claims it as an ethnic identity. It is possible to make any claim, including baseless or unfounded ones, but such assertions cannot be accepted, especially when they appear in a peer reviewed journal.
Falsehoods and contradictions
NAMA’s motto
Desalegn made his own interpretation of the famous NAMA’s5 motto, “One Amhara to all Amhara; all Amhara to one Amhara.” He associated this slogan to reclaiming a collective identity to transcend internal divisions within the Amhara people. Clearly, the motto emphasizes unity, solidarity, and political mobilization within the Amhara community. However, the attempt to interpret it as a reclaim of collective identity is misguided, as it falsely frames the Amhara as an ethnic identity rather than an ethnic group. In doing so, the author tries to sell false claims that the Amhara identity had been solely based on a historical association with the Ethiopian state (that created internal division), disregarding the deeper cultural, linguistic, and historical factors that constitute the Amhara as an ethnic group with a distinct identity.
Amhara nationalism and Ethiopianism
Lacking the intellectual honesty to recognize Ethiopia as a nation and the Amhara people as one ethnic group within it has created a persistent and opaque barrier between generations in the Amhara struggle. Desalegn has unfortunately fallen into this trap, recycling ineFFective and outdated narratives about Ethiopia and the Amhara by stating that ‘Amhara nationalism is not that much narrower than Ethiopianism.’ This failure to acknowledge the complex reality of the Ethiopian state and the political dynamics that have shaped the ground for the past four decades only deepens existing divisions and obstructs the collective political progress needed to address the Amhara people’s struggles effectively.
Contradictions along the same line
Desalegn discussed the weakness of AAPO in detail, such as ‘ AAPO … lacks a clear vision and strategy as an ethnic party, … ethnic politics was not the agenda, … was not an ethnic nationalist party by intent and design, … Amharas were mobilized as a means to attain the far sought Ethiopian nationalism; not to underpin the Amhara identity based political front per se. That is why the organization ceased to exist soon after its founder passed away, and the nationalism had to seek another concrete foundation.’ Ironically, the author in the same article recommended Amhara nationalism to be loosely open and “anyone who speaks Amharic as their first language or identifies as Amhara should be considered Amhara.”
In the second part, I will discuss more points concerning the false claims, and cover the following points in more detail.
Editor’s Note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
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i have no any appreciation of articles written which aspires ethnic nationalism in what ever form as research papers or opinions all consider to be toxic garbage.