Zemene Mesafint vs. Zemene Banda: Ethiopia’s Contrasting Eras and Paths 

Mikael Wossen, Ph.D.

Speaking on the future of Ethiopia, Dr. Kissinger recommended in 1972 that “the US policy should be to keep Ethiopia in perpetual internal conflict, using such vulnerabilities as ethnic, religious, and other divisions to destabilize the country” (Vestal,188).

Much like on the eve of the 21st century, the 19th century found a  fractious Ethiopia in which there was no national cohesion, and no stable central authority. The Imperial center was moribund, and the country was in the throes of civil wars. During the latter part of the era, the provinces were virtually independent, and fought against each other constantly. The era witnessed twenty-eight reigns, according to Henze (p.119, 2000). At issue was the balance of power between the regional nobilities, princes and kings versus the imperial realm. It boiled down to the question of who should rule supreme. Several of the provincial rulers had also developed various foreign policies/contacts of their own. Others even corresponded with European governments independently. The latter poured firearms at an increasing rate, to fuel the conflicts.

Amid the intensified rivalry among mainly Amara, Oromo and Tigre warlords, the country was at a serious risk of paralysis and fragmentation. This era is known as Zemene Mesafint (Era of Princes) in the history books. It began with the death of Iyasu in 1755, and ended with the triumphant crowning of Emperor Tewodros In 1855. Ethiopianism was finally reinstated.

There are, however, significant differences between the two eras noted. In the Zemene Mesafint past, the colonizing mission of the West was in motion. It was pulling and coaxing the country in various centrifugal directions, thereby aggravating the internal political and dynastic struggles. Yet, the ties and values that held the country together were neither questioned nor broken. The Church and Mosque continued their services. The people’s loyalties to the country and their respective leaders remained intact.

The present state of decentralization is different. Kilils or so called “separate but equal” development, ethnic “federalism” and lack of a vigorous and credible central authority, is mainly self-inflicted, and Constitutionally mandated. This condition summarizes what I call the Zemene Banda era (Era of Collaborators). It is personified by Meles Zenawi & Sebhat Nega (Son & Father of the ethno-fascist TPLF), and currently their Oromo stepbrother Abiy. It is a result of a planned political and constitutional policy dynamic orchestrated by the EPLF/TPLF and OLF since 1991. In this arrangement of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, the US played the maestro’s role. Article 39 of the Banda Constitution states that, “every nation, nationality or people in Ethiopia shall have the unrestricted right to self determination up to secession.” This conditional set up structurally implements the Kissingerian dictat (above), and his “Committee in charge of running the world “

The self-styled “Marxist-Leninist” Bandas are proxies of US imperialism. They are anti-Ethiopia and Amara-haters to the core. They have maligned and distorted Ethiopia’s shining legacy. They have divided, robbed and abused Ethiopia’s people and history, and tarnished its proud political and religious legacy, for more than a half a century. They have inaugurated a contentious and genocidal political field. Still, a coastless Ethiopia persists, as a legacy of the Tplf.

Whereas in the 19th century Ethiopia had been politically fragmented for nearly a century, most of the provinces and their people continued to share a common aspirations.  Fortunately and unlike other African countries, Ethiopia was not a country “of a mere conglomeration of tribes”at that time (Henze, 119, 2000). The Chistian church and monarchy were unscathed, and Oromos played a significant role in imperial politics. Ethiopia had access to the sea. Memories of the country’s great and glorious past were never forgotten by the people. The great majority yearned for the return of normalcy, unity, peace and prosperity, rather than self-determination through secession. 

The current chronic tribalism and political amnesia regarding national solidarity was engineered by the Eprdf ethnic regime; and was normalized by its apartheid education system. It was enhanced by the vile Agoraphobic propaganda, unleashed by the TPLF regime and its allies. Their ideological efforts were aided by a bulging youth population with hardly any knowledge of history, or memories of past unity and achievements. In fact, a majority of the ideology-fed population was instructed to read and write in the Latin alphabet, and to regard the Ethiopic script and Tewahdo faith as colonial impositions. For the treacherous and ignorant Bandas, the Ethiopic script is more “colonial” than the Latin one! The nine or ten so-called “nationalities”  are enclosed in their respective “killils” and speaking their own language among themselves. There are said to be five national language, according to the “convince and confuse” policy of the Oromo leadership. This presents us with a dim view of the possibilities for cross-linguistic communication among Ethiopians. These casualties were performed along with the destruction of the perfectly well-unified and developed lingua franca of Amharic. Bandas consider it falsely as a language of the colonizer/oppressor, and are vying to extinguish Amara’s national identity altogether. Amaraness is regarded as a key pillar of Ethiopianism. Consequently, Cannibalism and necropolitics have surfaced in the Oromo brutality against Amaras. As we write, the Amaras are living under military occupation.

The Ethiopian political left has adopted the divisive Italian fascist maxim “divide et impera” as a secular religion. It is leading the country towards a disastrous destination. It is, therefore, not surprising that octogenarian atheist Sebhat Negga refers to the anti-Amara-secessionist Constitution as his party’s Bible (Dereje Desta).

The “weaponization” of ethnicity, language and faith, is combined with half-baked Marxism and Pentecostalism. This brew is leading towards a furious escalation of the armed contest for territory, values and resources among Ethiopia’s ethnic groups. The leadership’s political nihilism has, as its goal, the destruction of the national system and common language/heritage on which all our history, prosperity and future is based. It goes without saying that the carved ethnic enclaves (killils) will not amount to much by way of “development” or “democracy.” Eritrea and South Sudan serve as good templates. Democratization is an unlikely outcome, in my view, given the massive illiteracy, inequalities and injustices inherent in the existing territorial and resource partitions of the country. Besides, history shows that secession often leads to a dictatorship, one imposed in the interest of the “liberation front” that fought for it.

The so- called reformist ‘medemer’ ruling “philosophy” amounts to dancing to the same old song, with the OLF in command now. Within barely a year in office, PM Abiy’s preachy leadership of love, forgiveness and tolerance had evaporated, giving way to Qeerroo-inspired thug type terror and authoritarianism. The Qerro’s expatriate leaders (activist) are pampered and escorted with the government’s armed soldiers. The Shene killers are payed and armed by Abiy’s so called Prosperity regime. The displacement of citizens, the robbery of banks, the abuse of oppositions etc.and daylight attacks, rape and killings of “other” ethnic groups continues in Wollega and in all corners of the country. The dead are routinely hauled into mass graves. These state-enforced atrocities occur with impunity, and without resolving any of the ruling contradictions. Farmers are denied fertilizer, while food deprivation is escalating. The economy is in chaos. Amara women are exported to the Middle East for slavery. Moreover, there is a claim that Addis Abeba (the capital) belongs exclusively to Oromos. The authorities have encircled the capital with another city known as Sheger. They have displaced over 100,000 and imprisoned some 30.000 Amaras in Addis Abeba alone. Amaras are not allowed to enter the capital and are displaced by the millions around the country. Their homes are demolished with families in them. Atrocities and cruelties of this kind against Amaras abound. Fabricated lies and incriminating references to/about the Amaras and their leaders are commonplace. Very few, outside the Oromos in the Abiy-Shimeles leadership circle and opportunists/actors, can actually claim that nowadays things have improved for the masses.This has turned the national mood of the people for and against the Abiy-OLF “reforms.” Their betrayal of the nation is a popular rallying cry.

Thus, in contrast to the 19th century, the arc of history is bending in the opposite direction. In plain language, Abiy is moving the country to lawlessness and in a  backward direction at an alarming speed. He is more interested in creating a greater Oromia, and the Geda system of bloodletting, rather than establishing Ethiopianness and democracy.

While the first attempt in the direction of reunification and modernization (post-Zemene Mesafint) of the ancient realm was made by the far-sighted patriot AtseTewodros II (1855-1868),  there is hardly such a leadership in sight today. The emergent Amhara Popular Front and Fanos are the best bet for citizens to cross the problematic Zemene Banda era of darkness. This challenge to end the prevailing chaos has fallen on the APF and Fanos. Since violence is the only language understood by the powerful, Amaras have declared an existential Amara struggle. It is to be waged alongside a national liberation struggle.

Henceforth, our silence will be cowardly. For all Ethiopians to live in freedom, every one of us must be responsible for safeguarding our personal liberty and national destiny. That is, we must all become Fano and nurture the Popular Front. Democracy implies that the liberty of the individual must be enshrined as sacrosanct in the struggle for a new post-TPLF/Olf Constitutional order.  This principle is at the core of the growing insurrection of Amaras for Ethiopianism. It is currently in the process of uprooting the ruling ethno-fascist structures from its region. Abiy’s baseless Prosperity officials are responding by abandoning their posts, and leaving the country.

A cohesive national consciousness of Ethiopiawinet is taking hold in the popular imagination. More Ethiopians must start to follow the armed calls for Amaraness and Ethiopiawinet!  Defined simply by HIM (His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie) in 1941, Ethiopianism refers to ”that optimum combination that people of Ethiopia themselves have fashioned to serve the fulfillment of their national destiny.” All said,  Amaras have finally fashioned a popular armed resistance movement to safeguard their survival, one leading to national sovereignty.

In this way we can finally transcend the pitfalls of archaic tribalism as politics. We can begin to secure our common national solidarity that was interrupted over the last half a century. We must stand up as free subjects, and contemporary citizens all at once. We need to flip the national paradigm to initiate an individual-based politics. Citizenship must underpin the practice of democracy. This is when the international system will begin to respect us.

We can no longer just sheepishly partake in the promised tribal “elections,” and continue rubber stamping the politics of the herd. There are militant ways to effectively safeguard our threatened survival and cultural/political rights. Mere ballots do not constitute democracy, as the quality of our democracy is ultimately tied to the extent of our individual liberty.

Democracy highlights and respects the value of individual worth and beliefs, within the wider national context of recognizing the impact those values may have for and on other compatriots. This is where equality, and the ‘rule of law’ come in. The new era of democracy is now literally in each of our hands. We must each conscientize and re-educate ourselves politically and historically, to navigate the coming storm.

Victory to the Amara Popular Forces and Fano Fighters.

Editor’s note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com  

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