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HomeOpinionThe Ethiopianist Shenes and Amhara Tegarus  Talking Points

The Ethiopianist Shenes and Amhara Tegarus  Talking Points

“If you do not remain silent while Amharas are being killed or if you vocally condemn Amhara killings, you are labelled as Amhara Shene”

Ethiopianist Shenes _ Amhara Tegarus
Image source : Human Rights Watch

By Mekuria 

The term “Amhara Shene” has been misused by Ethiopian political commentators and state actors, both domestically and in the diaspora. Both groups use this term to criticize Amharas who strongly defend their rights. If you do not remain silent while Amharas are being killed or if you vocally condemn Amhara killings, you are labelled as Amhara Shene. This article aims to clarify the misuse of the term, analyze its origins, and explain why it is inappropriate. Additionally, two alternative terms, “Ethiopianist Shene” and Amhara Tegarus, will be defined and suggested for use here. These two terms have been used more frequently in the context of the political transition in 2018, from two contrasting perspectives: progressives and extremists. Progressives viewed Abiy as a visionary leader guiding Ethiopia towards democracy and prosperity, while “extremists” dismissed this claim, connecting the dots, and labeled his style of governance as regressive, unlike anything Ethiopia has seen before. The term “extremist” labelling emerged from the progressives who are proponents of Ye Medemer Hasab (የመደመር ሃሳብ) advocated by Abiy. The term “progressive” is used here to find an opposite to the word “extremist.” The progressives were strong allies of Abiy Ahmed, at least in the heydays of Abiy mania. A third type of terminology to introduce here, although less recognized both by the progressive and extremist categories, is the Oromo Tegarus, who are known for their shifting positions or lack of meaningful arguments.

Progressives” (አጉል ተራማጆች፤ አላዋቂ ሳሚ ንፍጥ ይለቀልቃል)

Having gone through agony for 27 years under the TPLF-led Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed got a blank check from all walks of life in Ethiopia and Ethiopians in the diaspora in the hope that there will be genuine change and  Ethiopia will be a better country for all. When he came to power in March 2018, he was seen as the messiah of Ethiopia. Anyone outside this thinking was regarded as someone coming from a celestial body. Within Ethiopia, worshippers of Abiy Ahmed include prominent politicians of the Ezema leadership, well-known figures in Ethiopian politics such as Dr. Berhanu Nega, Andargachew Tsige, Andualem Arage, Yeshiwas Assefa, Girma Seyifu, Dr. Kebede Chane, members of the Oromo Democratic Front like the two Lenchos, along with their associates from within Ethiopia. Overseas supporters of Abiy Ahmed include staff of ESAT diaspora, EMS, civic organizations in North America, support chapters of Ginbot 7 (G7), and numerous individuals. If a ratio is estimated between Abiy supporters and opposers, it will be around 10-20% and 80-90% respectively. In June 2020, Hachalu was killed in Addis Ababa, sparking anger among the qeerroo from the suburbs of Oromia. They gathered and marched towards Addis Ababa to cause chaos in the city. Eskinder rallied the youth of Addis Ababa to stand their ground in self-defence, successfully preventing further unrest. However, the Addis Ababa City Administration and Federal Police arrested Eskinder for his involvement in the self-defence movement. The progressive forces supporting Abiy Ahmed argued that if Eskinder was innocent, Abiy’s justice system would release him. አንዳንዶቹም ኦሮሞ ጥል አሉት። The group of “progressives” is the kitchen sink. They are of diverse ethnic groups, almost from all ethnic groups except they are dominated by Amharas, Oromos, and mixed ethnics and ethnics from south Ethiopia.

Diehard extremists” (ጋሊሊዎች፤ ኮፐርኒከሶች)

The “extremist” camp based overseas includes journalists from Reyot, Ethio 360, Addis Dimts, Hibir Radio, Ashara Media, and Amhara Media Center. In Ethiopia, the early staff of Abay Media (political commentators) were against Abiy Ahmed’s system. In Addis Ababa, notable individuals strongly opposed to Abiy Ahmed include Eskinder Nega, Sentayehu Chekol, and members of Balderas. Additionally, members of the Hiber party, including Engineer Yilkal Getnet, are aligned with this group. Intellectuals abroad who have voiced their opposition to Abiy’s style of governance include Mr. Henok Yemane, Mr. Mastewal Dessie, Mr. Achameleh Tamru (a Prominent Historian)  Dr. Tedla Woldeyes (Professor in Philosophy), Dr. Achameleh Fitsum (Lawyer), Dr. Semahegn Gashu (Professor in Human Rights and Constitution), Dr. Habtamu Tegegn, (a Prominent Historian), Dr. Haile Larebo (a Prominent Historian), Dr. Getachew Begashaw (Noted Economist) and his group at Vision Ethiopia, Shaleqa Dawit Weldegiorgis (Well-known figure). The greatest challenge for the extremist camp was defending the downtrodden people of Ethiopia from the propaganda coming from the so-called progressives. For that reason, Abiy Ahmed had a free ride in Ethiopian politics until he reconciled with TPLF and dampened them in the wilderness. The damage incurred was unimaginable. Nevertheless, the “extremist” group has made tremendous achievements in defining who Abiy Ahmed is and was able to get attention from a mere 10-20% to nearly 60-70%, by leaking hidden evidence and inviting guests to make intellectual analysis. 

Abiy the imposter (ያልተዋጣለት ግን የታደለው ከያኒ)

No Ethiopian leader, like Abiy Ahmed, has come to power as transparently as he did, clearly declaring his vision and leadership style as demonstrated in his book ርካብና መንበር and his public declaration of being the 7th King of Ethiopia. However, there has been a lack of scrutiny regarding Abiy’s suitability as a leader. When Obama announced his candidacy for the US presidency in 2008, he faced two challenges. He was questioned about a property purchase from a corrupt individual, to which he did not deny but explained that he was naive in the transaction due to a lack of prior investigation. He was also pressed about his connection to a church leader pastor known to practice hate speech towards white people. Obama apologized for his association with the church, stating that he did not hear him making such speeches in his presence and had to disavow the pastor personally live on TV.

Abiy Ahmed had baggage to reveal but was never scrutinized whether in his party, EPRDF or by the diaspora Ethiopians and Ethiopians at home who were curious to know his history. He has demonstrated strong support for anti-terrorism laws, a notorious bill crafted by Meles Zenawi to put opposition party leaders and activists in jail; he was the architect and overseeing figure for the construction of the Anwole monument in Arsi. His stance on land allocation and demography in Oromia has also sparked concerns; he implicated Neftegna Amharas for the slavery and displacement of the Gelan and Abichu Oromo tribes from Finfine, which Oromos claim as the cultural, political, and economic hub of Oromos. But nobody dug in. Abiy Ahmed’s success did not stem from any substantial accomplishments or extraordinary talents. It was our readiness to be deceived that propelled Abiy to the pinnacle of unchecked power.

Amhara Shenes (በምግብና ዉሃ ብቻ ነው የሚኖረው!)

The Oromo Shene group, known as the club of the OPDO, and OLA, the armed wing of OLF, are extremist Oromo factions that kill and displace Amharas. They target the elderly, women, and children, committing ruthless crimes. Ethiopianist Shenes have coined a new term, “Amhara Shene,” meant to refer to extremist Amharas ideologically and hoping they do not make moral equivalence to the Oromo Shene. While the term is descriptive, it has been misused. The proper Amhara Shenes are Amhara regional government officials and high-level cadres. The primary cheerleader is Temesgen Tiruneh, followed by Agegnehu Teshager, Arega Kebede, Gizachew Muluneh, Sema Turuneh, and Dr. Yilkal Kefale, the Late Girma Yeshitila and Speaker Fantu Tesfaye. Gedu Andargach and Negusu Tilahun served briefly and were sidelined in 2021. Yilkal Kefale is known for giving prizes to Shimelis Abdissa for the mass killings of Amharas, burying them in mass graves. Temesgen Tiruneh played a key role in killing Fanos and arresting 18,000 of them. Belete Molla, Tahir Mohammed, and Gashaw Mersha have recently joined the Amhara Shene club.

Amhara Tegarus (የማያቁትን አገር የሚናፍቁ)

The Amhara Tegarus are against Abiy Ahmed from the outset and can be seen as part and parcel of the “extremist group.” They are ethnic Amharas who actively or passively support Tigrayan elites. They can be found in online forums such as Ethio Forum, Reyot, Zara Media, or TMH. They tend to minimize the suffering of the Amhara people while emphasizing Tigrayan victimhood. They avoid discussing the harm inflicted by the TPLF in the Amhara region during the three wars. For political reasons, they even argue that the Pretoria Agreement has not been fully implemented because Amhara has allegedly annexed territory from Tigray. The ultimate goal of Amhara Tegarus is to influence Amharas to be less assertive in defending their rights, ultimately aiming to weaken the Amhara community. In the recent incursion by the Tigrayan army, they have gone as far as denying any violation of the Pretoria Agreement. I am curious to know what these individuals would say if Ethiopia were to disintegrate and Amhara were to become an independent country, as they seem to prioritize others’ interests over Amhara.

Oromo Tegarus (የራሷ አሮባት የሰው ታማስላለች)

The Oromo Tegaru, like the Amhara Tegaru, are vocal advocates for Tigray. What sets them apart is their more assertive and direct approach to promoting their agenda. Their messaging is tailored to their audience (Tegaru-dominated), and they often avoid addressing issues related to their ethnic background, and frankly, no Oromo takes them seriously. This strategy may stem from a sense of shamelessness. While they are a minority, they have some known figures like Fanuel inside Ethiopia, the owner of Fentale Media, who was a journalist during the TPLF-led EPRDF era. Overseas, Ermias Legesse, the owner of Addis Compass YouTube and a former state minister under the TPLF-dominated EPRDF, represents them. Ermias, who gained experience at ESAT and Ethio 360, was compelled to leave the latter due to his inconsistent and conflicting political views. He fled to the USA in the mid-2000s, authored three critical books about Tigrayan elites and the Tigray-dominated government, amassed wealth from his writings, and has now shifted his stance to become a prominent advocate for Tigray, surpassing TMH, Reyot, Zara Media, and Horizon Free Media combined. Ermias is often the first to receive confidential information from Tigray, whether from individuals, opposition parties, the TPLF, or the Tigray Government before it reaches other Tigray-affiliated media outlets. The Tigray government, fearful of criticism coming from Reyot and TMH, prefers to deal with Ermias and Zara and to a lesser extent with Horizon Free Media. The chief of Reyot Media often indirectly criticizes Ermias for his perceived lack of depth and integrity. Another notable competitor to Ermias in this space is Deru the Hareru, known for his anti-Amhara rhetoric, particularly during the TPLF’s incursion into Amhara. Ermias harbours deep animosity towards Gondar elites, opposes Tigray’s disarmament, advocates for Tigray’s sovereignty, and expresses disdain for Eritrea. Ermias believes that Gondar is the only Amhara region capable of challenging Tigray and asserts that it will not compromise on its territorial integrity, hence the hammering of the Gondar elites. He fabricates stories, such as falsely claiming that Colonel Demeke fought or is against Fano, in an attempt to sow discord between the Colonel and the Amhara people. However, these efforts are futile for those familiar with Ermias. Ermias sometimes features mentally challenged Amharas or Amhara Shenes on his show to support his arguments (ከ ስንዴ መካከል እንክርዳድ አይጠፋም).

Ethiopianist Shenes (ትንሽ ነገር ይዘህ ካለው ተጠጋ)

Ethiopianist Shenes can be ethnically Amhara, Oromo, or other ethnicities, or a combination of two or more of these, and are classified within the “Progressives” group. They portray themselves as die-hard Ethiopians and others as extremists, isolationists or narrow-minded to ally themselves with the wider Ethiopian-minded population (ሰይጣን ለብልሃቱ ከመጽሃፍ ቅዱስ ይጠቅሳል)  Berhanu Nega, Siyoum Teshome and Daniel Kibret are the cheerleaders from within Ethiopia. They do not shy away from publicly declaring themselves as supporters of Abiy Ahmed. Diaspora Ethiopianist Shenes are a bit sophisticated. They have distanced themselves from Abiy Ahmed, unlike those at home, making it harder to discern them. Their talking points are almost identical to those of the Ethiopianist camp in the diaspora but are beginning to unravel themselves. They are superficially critics of the government but what they propagate is one of division and undermining the Amhara struggle. They are chiefly engaged in name tarnishing, targeting Amhara leadership, and undermining Fanos in one way or another, like saying ኦ! የትም አይደርሱም! Diaspora Ethiopianist Shenes frequent social media and e-media platforms. Their target is to undermine everything of Amhara, and their talking points are endless.

The talking points of Ethiopianist Shenes, who were once part of the progressive group, include claims that Tigray is weakened and lacks military capability; Amhara intellectuals are considered useful idiots with no leadership, who are not able to write a manifesto; Fano should cultivate an Ethiopian leader from outside their circle, make any coalition and lets us go to the States Department,  etc.

Tigray is powerless and its army is crushed (ትግራይ አልቆላታል)

Following defeats at Debre Sina and Gashena, the TPLF swiftly retreated to Tigray, leaving the Raya region. Its forces regrouped primarily in Mekelle within a 40 km radius, surrounded by the Eritrean army to the north, ENDF to the south and west, and Afar forces to the east. We all agree on this point. However, the scenario changed after the USA intervened, and the TPLF resurfaced intact after accepting the Pretoria Agreement. Many mistakenly believe that the TPLF has been crushed, but this is not the case. The TPLF was defeated, but it’s 275,000-strong army remained intact. While it agreed to disarm, as part of Abiy’s strategy to weaken the Amharas, TPLF was given a free ride and thus retained its military strength unchallenged. Some Amhara Tegarus argue that the TPLF was invited by Abiy Ahmed to join the conflict in Amhara but declined. However, the TPLF’s decision not to engage in the Amhara conflict was not out of support for Fano or affection for the Amharas but rather a strategic calculation that Abiy’s forces would weaken, allowing the TPLF to prevail. In the event of a war between the TPLF and ENDF, the Ethiopian army would likely be defeated. This is why Tigrayan military officers have publicly pronounced the strength of the TPLF/TDF, with some stating that the Ethiopian army knows the TDF’s capabilities. Therefore, when it comes to military strength in East Africa, the TDF is considered the most formidable, as Stalin rightly pointed out. Despite claims by armchair political analysts that Tigray has been decimated and faces a hopeless military situation, the reality is far from that.

The TPLF army has the capability to take control of Welkayit. The ENDF is no match for them as it has been significantly weakened, and the TPLF army is skilled in conventional warfare and knows how to capture and operate heavy armaments. Unless the people of Gondar are mobilized early to defend their land, Welkait is likely to fall. In this scenario, Gondar Fano and the residents of Gondar play a pivotal role in history, and they must stand up against the TPLF invaders and repel the Ethiopian army once and for all from Gondar’s soil. The people of Gondar can achieve victory if they are motivated and mobilized starting now. Time is of the essence.

Amhara has no leadership (አማራ ዋጋቢስ ነው)

In the realm of Ethiopian politics, a Berhanu-style approach to politics is a known thing. Social media commentators including Ethiopianist Shenes often claim that the Amhara community lacks leadership in the diaspora. Such sweeping generalizations may have been made without concrete evidence. While Amhara leadership did not organize flashy demonstrations like the TPLF, they have gradually recognized the importance of forming Amhara organizations while also embracing their Ethiopian identity. Convincing Amharas to look beyond ethnicity was a significant challenge, but with pressure from various sources, Amhara organizations began to emerge globally.

The Amhara Association of America (AAA) was established in the US in 2016 and has actively influenced American policy since 2017. During a tumultuous period in Ethiopian history marked by protests against the TPLF-dominated EPRDF government, AAA collaborated with EACD to shape US policy towards Ethiopia. The organization gained prominence in 2017 when its Chairman, Tewodrose Tirfe, addressed the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs on the topic of “Democracy Under Threat in Ethiopia.” AAA played a crucial role along with EACD, in the development of HR 128, which contributed to the government change in 2018. The organization advocated for an end to oppression, constitutional amendments, and recognition of Amhara identity in disputed areas (Wolkayit-Raya). Despite facing violent suppression from Ethiopian security forces, the Amhara community continued to demand justice and equality.

While many in the diaspora supported Abiy Ahmed, AAA stood out for its vocal criticism of the Prime Minister, Oromia Regional President, and other officials implicated in the Amhara genocide. It campaigned tirelessly for HR6600. Other sister organizations, FANA and IAM, were formed with the participation of Amhara organizations from over 50 countries, further advocating for Amhara interests on a global scale. These organizations are advocating for Amhara’s rights and mobilizing support for Fano. However, they believe external bodies should not dictate Fano’s manifesto or roadmap without their consent. They believe Fano’s vision for Ethiopia should be crafted by its members, focusing on law and order, property rights, and economic development during a transitional period.

Fano must groom an Ethiopian leader who is an outsider (ፋኖ ተዋግቶ ያንግሰን)

Comparing the 2019 Sudanese government change to that of Fano is oversimplified. The transition in Sudan bears some resemblance to the 1974 revolution, which saw minimal bloodshed. Unlike Ethiopia at the time, Sudan was not as deeply divided within its power structure. In such a context, appointing an outsider as the head of state could be a viable option, as seen with the Derg’s selection of Aman Amdom and Teferi Banti. Fano, on the other hand, is emerging from a violent conflict, akin to the TPLF or the Rwandan Patriotic Army. At best, Fano may be able to secure some seats in the government for outsiders. For Fano to effectively lead Amhara, it must oversee a well-defined transition period. Otherwise, it risks further destabilizing the region. Placing an outsider in a position of power could potentially lead to more bloodshed, like the current situation under Abiy Ahmed. What Ethiopia truly needs at this juncture is not just democracy but also a foundation of law and order, freedom of movement, property rights, and the ability to work anywhere in the country within a reasonable timeframe, say three years. Only then can discussions about a constitutional multiparty system and democracy be meaningful. It is not solely the constitution that has fueled violence in Ethiopia but rather the concentration of power in the hands of the prime minister. Looking at the Indian constitution, for instance, key functions such as defence, judiciary, auditing, and anti-corruption oversight are directly under the president’s authority. If Sahle-Work Zewdie held such powers, there would be no need for a national emergency, the judiciary would remain independent from Abiy Ahmed’s influence, extravagant spending on palaces at the expense of the impoverished would be curtailed, and foreign aid misuse would be prevented.

Make any alliance and beg the states department (ምንም ይሁን ተጣመሩና የባይደንን መንግስት እንለምን)

With whom should the coalition be formed? The Ethiopianist Shenes are seeking a coalition with Shene spokespersons in the diaspora because they believe that these individuals have begun to moderate their views, regardless of their past actions. The advocates are not concerned about the background of these individuals. Currently, Shene is involved in a series of abductions and killings in Oromia. There is no region in Oromia where Shene controls and governs peacefully like Fano. Should Amharas form a coalition with an Oromo Shene representative in the diaspora who has never shown sympathy for the killing and displacement of Amharas, and has in fact fueled it? Should Amharas form a coalition with TPLF supporters who have never shown sympathy for the people of Amhara who suffered through a devastating war instigated by the TPLF? ተጋሩዎች አማራና ትግራይ ወንድማማቾች ናቸው፣ ይተባበሩ፣ ለአገዛዙ መጠቀሚያ አይሁኑ ይሉህና ህወሃት ራያን ወሮ 75,000 አማሮችን አፈናቀለ  ሲባል ከነዚህ ሰዎች ወፍ የልም። ወቀሳ እንኳን አያሰሙም። እንደ ራያው ሁሉ  በወልቃይት ቢሳካላቸው መቼ እንወያይ ብትላቸው እግዜር ይስጥልን ትብብሩ እኮ በተሳክ ሁኔታ ተጠናቀቀ ይሉሃል። ከነዚህ ሰዎች  ጋር ነው እንግዲህ ኢትዮፕያኒስት ሸኔዎች አማሮችን  ትብብር ፍጠሩ የሚሉት። This call for alliance is irrelevant. Amharas and Fano would prefer to collaborate with ordinary Oromos, Tigrayans  and other Ethiopians on the ground. Oromo extremists should take responsibility for organizing and working for their region if they truly oppose Abiy’s governance. If Shene and its supporters manage to gain ground in Oromia, Fano can engage in discussions on how to govern Ethiopia. Neither Fano nor Amhara will support Oromo extremists in their quest for power.

No Amhara policy in the USA will change under the Biden administration unless a Republican president takes office. The root cause of the conflict in Amhara is the Pretoria Agreement crafted by the Biden administration, which sidelined the Amhara people. With over 4 million children out of school, nearly three million displaced, daily drone bombings targeting Amhara civilians, Red Terror-style killings in Amhara, thousands of women raped, and millions facing starvation, the West is well aware of the situation and did nothing against. Tens of thousands of Amhara youth, investors, journalists, lawyers, medical doctors, engineers, teachers, and other professionals are imprisoned across Ethiopia, including Amhara parliamentarians, in the worst conditions. This issue does not seem to matter to the Biden administration, which would never hesitate to act if this had happened at this scale in Tigray. One-tenth of this did not occur in Tigray in 2020-2022, but we know how the West reacted. So let us be honest, there is no policy change to be achieved by simply presenting a manifesto to the White House. It will require a determined effort, like the Taliban, to fight for a dignified life before the world. Fano is fighting Mike Hammer and Blinken’s war in the form of an ENDF. Why should we deliver a manifesto to them? Aren’t they the ones who say Western and Southern Tigray? Fano will prepare its own manifesto, keep it confidential, and reveal it at its discretion. There is no requirement to share it with anyone.

The Ethiopianist Shenes aims to create discord and disunity rather than fostering a sense of cohesion. These individuals have not shown any history of supporting the Amhara community and seem to be focused on trivial matters that distract us from more important issues. They criticize dedicated Amhara leaders, and unfortunately, some people fall for their rhetoric, leading to conflicts that spread to the diaspora Amhara community and even affect groups like Fano on the ground. It is crucial to ignore such divisive figures and prevent them from causing further confusion. They should not be allowed to interfere in Fano’s affairs. The Amhara community has capable leaders in the diaspora who can address any concerns through proper channels. Creating additional platforms for these troublemakers should be avoided. Unity is essential at this critical time. General Tsadkan, who was sidelined by the TPLF for over two decades, was welcomed back during the Tigray conflict. We should show the same respect to our heroes and not provide a platform for insults against them.

Challenges to Amhara-centered organizations (አማራም ነኝ፤ እትዮጵያዊም ነኝ ማለት ይቻላል)

Before 2018, organizing as an Amhara was considered taboo and a source of shame due to prevailing attitudes among diaspora Amharas and Ethiopianists, who viewed such organizations as backward. This mindset has its roots in the transformation of the AAPO into the AEUP, led by Engineer Hailu Shawel, who was pushed to do so by Amhara elites after the late Dr. Asrat Woldeyes.

The Ethiopian diaspora, including many vocal Ethiopianist ideologists and Amharas who were the main opposition to the TPLF, shifted their support to Abiy Ahmed when he came to power. This shift created a gap in diaspora advocacy for the Amharas, potentially leaving ordinary Amharas vulnerable to crises. In response to the increasing targeting of Amharas, the Amhara Association of America (Triple-A) stepped in to fill this void and became a voice at international forums addressing the challenges faced by Amharas. Subsequently, Amhara association chapters were established worldwide.

Undoubtedly, Ethiopianist Shenes, Ethiopianist-only Amharas, Amhara Tegarus, Tegaru elites, and other indoctrinated nationalities will continue to pose the greatest challenges to the Amhara struggle and the Fano movement. However, life will go on, and the Amharas will strengthen, becoming a powerful force that will play a significant role in Ethiopian politics. No one, including the West, can afford to overlook them, despite their current lack of concern for the Amhara plight.

Conclusions

Abiy Ahmed is currently in a state of panic due to escalating attacks by Fano and the weakening of his army, causing significant distress for him. In response, Abiy has initiated a hasty project called corridor development, resulting in the demolition of numerous houses in various areas of Addis Ababa. These demolitions are expected to create challenges such as business disruptions, muddy roads, and other unfavorable conditions as the rainy season approaches. The mass demolitions have been carried out without proper road surveys, environmental impact assessments, or consideration of social impacts, indicating rushed and low-quality work with no allocated budget. Abiy is expected to print an additional 50 billion to fund these demolitions, which may not be completed this year and could potentially increase to 100 billion over time. On a positive note, Fano will return any seized property to its rightful owners, and potential land buyers should exercise caution before engaging in transactions.

Amhara should disregard Ethiopianist Shenes attempting to divert attention from the main agenda. Cooperation with diaspora TPLFites, Oromo Shene representatives, and Ethiopianist Shenes should not be a priority. Let everyone fulfill their promises, and we can convene at the gates of Addis Ababa for further discussions. If Abiy Ahmed is absent the next morning, it will not have a significant impact. Fano will enter Addis Ababa as the TPLF did in 1991. In any case, Amaras won’t work to disintegrate Ethiopia, but if in the process, the outcome is disintegration, Amhara takes the better option – the liberation of Amhara.

Editor’s note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com

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