Home Opinion Ethiopia’s Unresolved Political Problems – 50 Years after

Ethiopia’s Unresolved Political Problems – 50 Years after


Editor’s note : views expressed in the article reflect the views of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com 

Ethiopia Politics _ jan 25
Ethiopian PM Abiy Ahmed when he was speaking with University Instructors earlier this week. (Photo : Public Domain)

By Ali Belew

As Ethiopia plows its way out of two years of debilitating war in the North, it is now confronted with another slowly developing insurgency that is diffused, decentralized, and increasingly more lethal. The political issues behind the wars in the North and now in Oromia are different, but they harken back to the issue of Ethiopia’s existence as a “Nation of Nations,” according to the Ethiopian Constitution. How do you create a viable, strong country that could defend its sovereignty, grow, and prosper out of the multitude of ethnic communities organized as states? Wishful thinking aside, the “national question” which was supposed to have been resolved through the 1995 Ethiopian Constitution and Ethnic Federalism remains a force that we must deal with. It has morphed into a more intractable political problem resulting in endless internal border disputes, displacements and generalized conflict that pits communities against each other. 

The war between forces led by TPLF and the Federal Government was not about the national question or the Constitution per se, though TPLF saw political advantage in depicting it as such. It was a war imposed on Ethiopia to restore TPLF to its predominant position prior to the change of government.  Portraying the struggle as a heroic fight by a small minority not to be swallowed and subjugated by its numerically larger ethnic groups created a powerful narrative that animated the West and the gullible Western media. More perniciously, other ethnic elites who strive to see the end of Ethiopia as a state saw it as a struggle to assert “the right of nations.” Falsely, they accused the government of engaging to recreate a unitarian state. This massive confusion deliberately promoted by Oromo intellectuals who soured on Abiy because of his incessant talk about Ethiopian unity, won supporters in Oromia. Hence the disgruntlement of OLF, OFC  and others who endured the harsh TPLF-led oppression in the past. This suited TPLF’s ideologues who have one foot in the Ethiopian State and one foot in the future Tigray nation. Ethiopia is important to them only if it is under their domination. Short of that, the preference is to leave it for a “more cohesive, better organized Tigray nation” with international borders. This is a case of TPLF national liberation ideology trumping historical reality. Their approach to Ethiopia is transactional. 

Confusion about the nature and the origin of the war aside, it has clarified one issue: An ethnic state can’t be allowed to build its military strength to such an extent that it could extort political concessions from the central government. The country demonstrated with blood and treasure that it will not tolerate competing security forces that would challenge the National Defense Forces of Ethiopia. This situation, a legacy of the distortion left by TPLF’s victory over the Ethiopian military, was unclarified from day one.  Having destroyed what was clearly a national military (dubbed Derg Military, a clever political ploy), the TPLF changed the character and the doctrine of the national army to reflect its political objectives: The domination of Ethiopia by Tigray elites politically, militarily and economically. The 2018 change in leadership threatened this statuesque and TPLF resorted to military means to restore it. The war was fought to establish the primacy of Ethiopian defense forces over a local and ethnic force that saw itself as the predominant military power in the Horn. If the Pretoria Agreement is successfully implemented, TPLF as a military force that could challenge Ethiopia would have ended for good. That itself would be a worthwhile achievement despite the lack of accountability for starting a horrific war that has killed hundreds of thousands in Tigray, Amhara and Afar areas.

However, the other political issues that may have led to the war are left to be resolved in the future through peaceful dialogue. The territorial claim of Tigray over areas that were part of Wollo and Begemider but incorporated into Tigray by force remains to be resolved. In that sense, the war was concluded inconclusively. The Ethiopian military’s decisive edge was instead used to promote political dialogue with TPLF as a local interlocutor in a more open democratic space in Tigray. The GOE, under enormous pressure from the international community, realized that TPLF as a political force can’t be just militarily destroyed if it has support in Tigray. TPLF also came to the realization that its national political dominance is unsupportable by other ethnic groups. Its historical position of being first among equals had to come to an end. 

The situation in the North is far from where it should be and is not irreversible yet. But the end of the active war and the restoration of humanitarian aid, and services has eased the acute shortage of food and medicine for the average person. The hope is that the peace momentum will propel the situation to a more sustainable life for the people who had lost so much in this war.

The problem in the North is one piece of the myriad of political issues (leaving the economy aside for now) facing Ethiopia.  The extraordinary complex problem the country faces is manifested in all its complexity and ugliness in the Oromia state. Here, a conflict that pits Oromo against Oromo, Oromo against Amhara, Amhara against Oromo is raging outside the purview of the rest of the country. There is no credible information coming from the area. The scale and the nature of this brutal conflict is masked by obtuse statements made by the warring groups. The GOE is opaque about this situation. The Oromia state government, for its part, seems to have lost control of the situation in parts of Wollega and border areas adjacent to Amhara, Beni Shangul and Gambella. To the extent it can be described, the conflict involves fighters of Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), a loosely organized franchise of local fighters against groups aligned with local, state and the Federal Government. 

OLA (Shene) wants to overthrow the government and establish an Oromo country outside the current federal arrangement.  

On the surface, the Oromo Liberation Front, wants to separate itself from the excesses of OLA, but for it, the conflict is a demonstration of the unresolved “national question” – the paramount political problem in Ethiopia. Only “self-determination including and up to secession” would solve the problem” according to the often-repeated statement available in its website and espoused by the most prominent Oromo intellectuals now opposed to the government. The OLF’s political success, as measured by Dawood Ibsa, was making the national question the Holy Grail that forces Oromo political leaders to take sides. Despite its chronic lack of military success, OLF believes that it has won the hearts and the minds of Oromo society with this issue that no political organization in Ethiopia will be able to survive it without addressing it one way or another. 

What about the 1995 Constitution which had OLF’s imprimatur that created self-governing ethnic states? OLF’s demands even exceeded what was offered under the constitution that it helped devise. As it did in the recent past, it wanted to maintain a military presence in areas it considered its domain (Oromia State) in 1995. TPLF saw the imminent danger in this and swiftly disarmed the OLF military garrison. Following this debacle, OLF bolted out of the coalition government in which it had relatively more seats to influence politics and chose to labor in political wilderness without tangible result for nearly 30 years.  

OPDO now baptized as PP Oromia accepts, in theory, that the 1995 Constitution had created the constitutional and political framework to resolve “ethnic (read Amhara) or national oppression” and put Ethiopia on a path of equality of all ethnic groups. What was lacking during TPLF’s domination was the full expression of the constitution and its democratic application, argues the Oromia PP. TPLF used the constitution not to promote all ethnic interests, but to propel Tigray on a trajectory of economic and political dominance in Ethiopia at the expense of others who were numerically bigger. Hence the change of 2018 which was spearheaded by Oromo and Amhara political activists.

Today’s Ethiopia with PP in power looks more like Oromia than any other time in Ethiopia’s history. Its economies, cities and bureaucracies are bustling with Oromo energy. There is visible cultural, linguistic, and social dynamism that should infuse its society with pride and jubilation. Just when Oromia seems to have acquired power, it’s experiencing political upheaval on an unprecedented scale. The current political situation in Oromia, if unresolved, could plunge Ethiopia into a darker period than what we have gone through over the last 2 years.

Ideology over Realpolitik – the Case of OLF

There is something deceptively simple about ideology. It attempts to explain highly complicated reality with a catchy, powerful, and sensible narrative that the masses can muster. The communist utopia that Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Mao developed dominated much of the developing world for so long until people realize there is no utopia to be had. The Soviet Union was a monstrosity. Nazism captured German society and triggered a world war that destroyed much of the world and Germany. One can explain the current destructive war in Ukraine as an ideologically driven war by Russia.

We in Ethiopia are not immune to the seduction of ideological explanation to complicated phenomena. Witness how the 60s generation became completely enamored with Marxism so fast that a writer has described the situation akin to being “a prisoner.” Following Stalin, we declared Ethiopia is a prison of nation states and that each of these nations, nationalities, etc. must have the right to self-determination including and up to cessation. To make this reality, the Eritreans, the Tigrayans, the Oromos, the Somalis, etc. picked up arms to assault the Ethiopian State. The State fell to these forces in 1992.

The 1995 constitution enshrined “the right of nations.” For nearly 30 years Ethiopia operated with this constitution bringing dramatic changes to “groups rights.” For the ideologues of national liberation, however, this experiment has been a failure. The right of nations to self-determination was not intended to democratize politics or give people self-government; the purpose was to bring about the dissolution of Ethiopia into mini-states and that has not been achieved yet. 

A powerful example of this situation is the case of OLF which has developed a narrative that depicted the “Oromo State” as a victim of the “Ethiopian Empire.” The expansion of Ethiopia into the adjacent territories in the South is a highly complicated story that is not amenable to a simple narrative as the historian Taye Bogale often explains. Emperor Menelik’s army moved South, brought other societies through conquest is not so easy to tell. Except that 19th century Ethiopia was also a place where wars happened frequently. Emperor Theodoros brought wars to Gojjam, Wollo and Shoa and destroyed his rivals. Emperor Yohannes slaughtered Wollo Muslims. Other societies experienced the same violence in a violent era. One can say similar things happened in Kaffa, Sidama, etc. To make this a singularly Menelik story is a distortion of history. It also has no value to our current predicament. People who look back and feel victimhood can’t move forward or progress. But that has not deterred the development of a very effective, propaganda tool to roil the youth of the Oromo to rage against the “historical injustice committed” against them. 

That is what one gets from reading Izkeal Gabissa, Tsegay Ararsa, Awol Allo, Dawood Ibsa, Abate Wurgessa, etc. After the PM turned off the Oromo intelligentsia with his talk of Medemer, Ethiopian unity and sovereignty, it has become clearer that the “national question” is a smock screen to end the Ethiopian State as we know it. 

“The prime minister is promoting divisive imperial nationalism and laying the groundwork for his centralizing and assimilationist vision of the future,” rages Awol Allo in a revealing essay on Aljazeera. Imperial nationalism is meant to say Ethiopian Nationalism. What is the leader of Ethiopia supposed to do other than strengthen the state of Ethiopia? In Allo’s vision, the prime minister should not promote Ethiopian Nationalism, but preside over the dissolution of the country into its constituent “nations and nationalities.” Centralizing, assimilations are invoked for their negative connotation to imply infringement on the culture and language of ethnic groups in Ethiopia. How could one make this claim when the constitution allows these states to use their language in their domain? In his understanding “Ethiopian nationalism is a variant of Amhara ethnic nationalism.”  Allo makes this sweeping conclusion with all the political distortions it could entail with little or no historical justification. 

OLF’s struggle is for “independence, not secession,” according to Abate Wurgessa, its political director. OLF wants to achieve independence by peaceful means using the provisions allowed by the constitution. Oromia will exercise its right under Article 39 of the Constitution. That means holding a referendum for secession. If it is approved, it will become the newest country in Africa. 

Before Menelik expanded to the South, there was an Oromia republic with a Geda system of government according to Wurgessa. This “Oromia republic” was then incorporated into the “Abyssinian Empire.” This made-up history, taught to children and accepted at face value, is the historical justification for independence. 

The Oromo question as expressed by Abate Wurgessa is all about the Oromo people. It sees the Oromo as a people who live in an Oromo oasis. Scant attention is paid as to its impact on other ethnic groups who could be existentially affected if an Oromia country is to emerge in the Horn. “We are like Kenyans, Eritreans and South Sudanese; we deserve to have our “independence.” That this changes the whole history of the region and negates a political entity called Ethiopia that the World has acknowledged is beyond consideration. His vision would bring a bold new world with unknown and unknowable consequences for those who live within Ethiopia’s border.

Those of us who see the Oromo issue as part and parcel of Ethiopia’s political existence find the OLF position not just troublesome but frightening. Ethiopia’s dissolution as envisioned by OLF is dystopian where each ethnic group is pitied against another in an unending cycle of perpetual conflict. Contrary to what the OLF ideologues propose, there is no neat way of severing Oromia from Ethiopia short of a cataclysmic disorder that would set the country back to the dark ages.

This fear of the unknown should give pause to any Oromo nationalist. Jewar Mohammed repeatedly expressed his fear of this maximalist position, if not for the rest of Ethiopia, for Oromia itself. 

If the position of OLF which ostensibly has chosen to fight by “peaceful means’ ‘ has this much real-world consequences, what can be made of OLA which is engaged in brutal armed struggle? 

The clearest indication that the more conventional parties like OLF or OFC  may or may not be ideologically different is their reluctance to condemn the use of violence to achieve political objectives. Instead, they hide behind the political innocuous position that both sides (meaning the government and OLA) should sit down and discuss their differences under “international mediators.” If the government could sit down with a group that it once declared “terrorist”, goes the argument, that it should be able to negotiate with OLA as well. 

OLA does not have a centralized leadership; nor does it have a political program that it wants to advance in the cause of Oromo people. Its goal is the overthrow of a government that was legitimately elected with irregularities for sure, but not any worse than before. The consensus view is that the Election Board conducted the most democratic election in the country under the most difficult conditions. 

To achieve its goal of weakening GOE, OLA attacks soft targets with impunity to create a deep sense of insecurity among Oromos, Amharas, and other ethnic groups who live in areas impacted by OLA.  How do you negotiate with a group that is trying to overthrow the constitutionally instituted government and establish a separate state in the heart of Ethiopia?

You don’t. But what if OLA enjoys the support of members of PP Oromia either for political reasons or because they are afraid of it? Amhara activists allege that elements of PP are either in cahoots with OLA giving security cover or follow hands-off policy toward the organization that has enabled it to grow and become a powerful, albeit decentralized group. 

It is hard to delve into OLA and OLF issues in Oromia without credible information. What is clear is that the political divisions within Oromia political parties are not very easy to delineate. They are not just military and political struggles for power. That is what leads non-Oromo political groups to resort to conspiracy theories to explain Oromia politics. 

It is obvious Ethiopian Unity has a fundamental Oromo problem. If Oromo elites see the Constitution and Ethnic Federalism as a stepping stone to create an Oromia country, the so-called National Question was never a struggle for equality of ethnic groups, but for the end of Ethiopia as we know it with all the attendant costs. So, the debate about whether the Constitution serves Ethiopia or not does not address the problem of groups that are hell-bent on forming a separate country. They accept the constitution in so far as it facilitates this eventual outcome. The self-rule period under the Constitution is to be used to develop separate national languages, separate national history and narrative, separate culture, and separate identity. Once the political infrastructure of a new country has been developed, the next step is to exercise Article 39, and achieve independence. Thus, the argument whether this constitution serves Ethiopia misses the point in so far as OLF is concerned. 

Why hasn’t Oromia or another state exercised this right before then? The main reason is the strength of the Central Government under TPLF. TPLF would not allow this in a country where it has political dominance. For TPLF, article 39 is to be invoked only as a last resort, when TPLF itself has ceased to be the predominant political power in Ethiopia. 

PP Oromia (PP) has a decision to make? 1, Does it want to cede political power to Oromo Nationalists whose end goal is the formation of Oromia country? 2, Does it want to replace TPLF as a political dominant force (ተረኛ) and rule Ethiopia like its predecessor? We know how this story ended before. Or 3, does it want to lead a strong unified Ethiopia and share equitable power with other Ethnic groups? 

Does Oromia PP envision an Ethiopia where members of all ethnic groups have a stake in its preservation as a state?  How it approaches this issue will determine whether the political crisis we are in now will improve in the future.

Ali Belew can be reached at alibelewmeta@gmail.com


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  1. A very fair assessment. Thanks.
    The argument presented goes to show that Tplf is a he’ll of a destructive force. Abiy needs to get off his messianic horse and be transparent as to where he is taking the nation. He can’t last being secretive while running a disastrous public relations.

    “Mini-stating” Ethiopia is the plan also of the US–not only of power hungry mini ethnics. Abiy should make space for patriotic Ethiopians with area expertise. An area that could use such a resource is foreign relations and the financial sector. The recent appointment of a bank governor is evidence that either the picking really slim or Abiy is busy fending off rivalry while consolidating power as head of party and government. Let us not forget that Abiy is in the habit of circumventing accountability! So, the more ‘yes’ people around him the safer he will feel. A sorry state to be in!

    • We will work with any organization including pentecostal church leader prophet yonatan
      eotc is full of mafia like mahiberekidusan , and other narrow minded neftegna habtamu ayalew, letaw zemedkun bekele
      we will expose bishops who have children and belong to amahara region the current synod led by Abune mathias is fake and worked with abiy and somalia and eritrea to burn its own churches and kill its of laity and priests .

  2. The oromumma militants must know one thing with absolute certainty. The first ethnic group that will suffer the most under a would be oromia will be none other than the defenseless millions of Oromo. Self determination according to linguistic enclaves will create nothing but utter destruction and chaos.

    A non contiguous political fiction land of oromia will soon disintegrate into intra clan and inter religious warfare among different denominations. SO BE CAREFUL OF WHAT YOU WISH FOR!!!!! Without the usual straw man in your ethnic politics, the cannibalism and knifing among yours truly will be inevitable. If the oromumma cadres were smart and truly cared for their “group”, they would draw lessons from the massive displacement, chaos, trauma and tragedy of neighbors with a much more closely knitted and cohesive society with less diverse religious groups than that of our Oromo brothers and sisters. YOU WILL BE REAPING WHAT YOU SOW BEFORE THE ENTIRE WOLRD!!!!! AGAIN BE CAREFUL, BE VERY, VERY, VERY OF WHAT YOU WISH FOR!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

  3. The 1995 Cancerous Ethnic Federation brought by TPLF and OLF without representation and consultation of Amhara and the other 80+ Ethiopian ethnic groups has proven itself to be the worse, dangerous, lethal cancer that ever happened to Ethiopia.
    The former EPRDF now Prosperity Party started its poisonous journey by mowing down Amharas and Ethiopians life like cutting down grass with no pause, apology, sympathy and fear of God. This was done enthusiastically because they came caring on its shoulders the 80 years OLF (MAMMECCHA TULAAMAA) hatful false narratives and plot to inflict harm to the Orthodox Christianity followers and Amharas. Hate, cruelty of the Gadda culture has transferred to their children, Abiy, Shimeles, the Arisi , Bale and Wellgea extremist Pente and Wababi Muslims. All along they stay calm and collected while pretending as peaceful Ethiopians and waiting for opportunity to mass murder Amharas, Orthodox Christians and Muslims followers.
    Abiy and his murderous regime have no other option other than being removed.

    They are not capable of changing but getting worse it. Abiy is the biggest cancer that must be removed.

    Military should stay out of politics and do the main job they sworn to protect people and their country. Let politicians, educated lawyers and capable intellegent people handle politics.

  4. Woyane is striving to change its quilts and putting on newly fashioned clothes to deceive the people of Tigray like wolves who cry like sheeps and goats . Woyane should not be allowed to lead Tigray in any form and regadless of its new name and newly elected members
    . Weyane is a genocider and its members are shouting like a dog as usual saying ” kill Dr Biniam” .

    Wushoch , leboch nefsegedaoch
    Mahibrekidusan and eotc should ne demolished because it is full of rapists, robbers and sorcerers and as you all know genociders . Mahibrekidusan is famous for sexually harassing its young members brainwashed during their freshman studies.
    Tghat is supporter of woyane and built on tigray genocide hopin,g to make money with the horror endured by tigrayans. Tghat author is hooked on marijuana from Amsterdam. Don’t post it please because it will spoil your name.

  5. Abune mathais should no longer be a patriarch of Tigray . He is working with nefetgna and stand together with genociders . Tigray should elect its own patriarch.

    This fake excommunication made by abune mathais and nefethgna mafia synond is unacceptable.

  6. Dear author,

    You told it all as it should told. You hit it right on the nose! The mess we see it now, the hatred, the bigotry and the savagery it has been inflicting on innocent people, you could see it coming way back in the very late 1960’s and early 70’s. Once the stage the platform was taken by commie radicals who espoused violence as the only means of bringing about change that country and its upright and harmonious people became fair game. It did not take a mere decade when those commie pioneers started to branch out into a more violent and deadly hate groups congregating into various ‘liberation’ front this and ‘liberation’ front that. For such individuals to go from ‘vanguards of the masses’ into haters of the masses is their normal natural transformation. They created a quagmire and many of them were eaten up the very quagmire they created taking millions of the gullible with them. They are not done yet. Today they are working 24/7 to start an an all out civil war between the two pillars of that glorious country. In their hood being called a ‘neftegna’ can get you hacked to death along with your toddlers. Today in their hood being seen as an ‘oromummaa’ can get you skinned or burned alive. Today being labeled a neo-gobena can get you chopped up and be tossed to the hyenas. And it is not funny.

    • You are right for the most part. As one of those people who espoused leftist ideology, I can tell you our intentions were noble, but our grasp of the consequences of our action was limited.
      You are also right to point the glorification of violence created a culture of of impunity that pits people against people on the basis of class, ethnicity, ideological enmity.
      The chicken have come to roost.

      • Commies are not the dominant force now as they were in the 1960’s and 70’s but their offshoots have come out to be the most ruthless bigots that country ever faced. ‘Proletariat’ parties have given birth to hardliners dens of bigots calling themselves ‘liberation’ front this and ‘liberation’ front that. Even though they have changed their structures there is one common trait they have loyally kept. The art of telling lies. Commies since Lenin have been telling us that their ultimate goal is to create a ‘democratic’ system led by the working people. We all know how that came out to be in 1917. Mao was even bold enough telling his people and the world that he had found a people’s republic led by the peasants and factory workers. We know what happened to the workers during his ‘let a hundred flowers bloom’ in the 1950’s , ‘the great leap forward’ during the years 1958-62 and ‘the cultural revolution’ during the 1966-1976. During those close to 50 million peasants and workers were shot and starved to death. But the lies have continued to these days.
        In our case the lying has been told mostly for building personal reputation. You can hear one telling us how he/survived Mengistu’s potassium cyanide poisoning not one but on more than one occasion. Others even had the audacity to tell us how they were repeatedly tortured in one paragraph and in the one just below tell us how they allowed to teach the torturers children on days right after they were tortured. Some of them tell us how their loved used to be allowed to spend nights at home after their all day long torture by Mengistu’s henchmen. That means Mr. Tolcha used to spend daytime in chambers where he was tortured and then just before the sundown he was allowed to go home bloodied all over his body. I’m not making this up. Just read their online biography. That was what they have been telling the gullible Western media. This is contrary to the persona of Mengistu from what those who used to be very close to him have been telling. One personal characteristic that separated Mengistu from others was his decisiveness. He did not play ‘games’ with his victims. When you see these conniving bigots tell such bold lies you keep wondering if they have their faculties working properly. That is why there are the ones that pose the greatest danger to those upright and harmonious people who produced us all. These are the individuals who are hell bent to ‘liberate’ my or your ethnic groups. And they are extremely dangerous.

    • The chicken have come home to roost.

      Years of brainwashing, incitement and demonization , otherization,; the human toll of it is unspeakable horror.
      Like you implied our glorification of violence contributed to a culture of impunity. That is what happens when you believe the end justifies the means.
      “The road to hell is paved with good intention.”

  7. “Abune mathais should no longer be a patriarch of Tigray . He is working with nefetgna and stand together with genociders . Tigray should elect its own patriarch. This fake excommunication made by abune mathais and nefethgna mafia synond is unacceptable.”

    The problem with you people is absolute lack of frontal cortex activity. You are human right? A so called a higher mammal, a primate with some brain activity. Learn to use it. Be human first, grow up, be civilized, learn how how to function in a society.

    Actions have consequences. If A ———> then B.

    Here is a summary in a language you may understand.

    1) not stopping at traffic light is a traffic violation

    1) let’s say the fine is $100 birr.

    a) Hagos violates the red light. Hagos must pay the $100 birr.
    b) Gadissa violates the red light. Gadissa must pay the $100 birr.
    c) Alebachew violates the red light. Alebachew must pay the $100 birr.
    d) Alemitu violates the red light. Alemitu must pay the $100 birr.
    e) Charles violates the red light. Charles must pay the $100 birr.
    f) Linda violates the red light. Linda must pay the $100 birr.
    g) Chen violates the red light. Chen must pay the $100 birr.

    Take personal responsibility, grow up and learn to live as a civilized human being first!!!!!!!

    The 2000 year old Orthodox Tewahdo Church is an institution with traditions, laws, codes. The Holy Synod came to the decision based on these laws. Why is it so hard for your TPLF masters and now your Abiy and his PP sycophants to follow simple rules???????

    It would not make an iota of a difference if the archbishop was from. Gonder, Gojam, Wollo, or elsewhere if the same actions were taken, the same results would ensue.

    Going forward, it is becoming abundantly clear that the Abiy regime and his PP militants and sycophants, together with their former masters, TPLF are suffering from a psychological infliction that has not been curable for the past 40 plus years. For some reason, you want to cross the red light, crush into other cars, hit pedestrians, kill pedestrians and when reminded you have violated the rules, you jump up and down, scream at the top of your lungs, noooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo

    Everybody is getting sick of your tantrums, people are fed up with your destructions, chaos, constant whimpering and wallowing in self pity and incriminations.The society cannot go forward with this type of immaturity.

    Law abiding Ethiopians are sayin and shouting en masse:


    If you violate the red light, you pay the fine.You do not send a team to negotiate, to sit at the table and negotiate.

    You say I am sorry for violating the law. I will pay the fine. And because I am a human being with frontal cortex activity, and not an amoeba or a bacterium or some protozoan, I will use my brain cells AND LEARN TO STOP WHEN I SEE THE RED LIGHT NEXT TIME, SO I WILLOT BE FINED THE $100 BIRR AGAIN.

    There you go, that is not so difficult, is it??????????????????????

  8. its better all of us being kind for our country, every thing will end when the end comes and no one can take his properties collected in this world. finally we have to think why we created because we are created to live in peace with one another & ..


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